THE JESUS PUZZLE
Was There No Historical Jesus?
Earl Doherty
Reader Feedback and Author’s Response
Set 25: September 2005
Anthony
writes:
Just a note to thank you
for The Jesus Puzzle. I've
found your book profoundly illuminating and it helps to make sense of
many things I'd previously been puzzled by. I follow the discussions on
the JesusMysteries mailing list but have to admit that much of it goes
over my head. But your book is the most comprehensible I've come across.
Daniel writes:
I was raised in a Christian family, sent to churches, some
Christian pre-school and to a Christian school for Grades 2 to 11.
Recently, I have come to the conclusion to reject Christianity as
truth, due to the absurdities in the Old and New Testament.
Christianity is truly a monster of this age. Thanks for
knocking it a big blow.
A.F. writes:
I First of all, thank you for your site! Secondly, who are
you, and where have you been all my life? I am literally blown away by
your writings and all the things on your site. It is now at the top of
"my favorites". There is hope for mankind, after all.
Steven writes:
I
thought I'd drop you a quick kudos for your work, which I consider to
be the most thorough and scholarly deconstruction and explanation of
the Jesus of History. Combined with Jung's work on archetypes and when
coupled with an understanding of Egyptian myth, Neoplatonism, and
Judaism, a clear picture of the origins of the Christ of faith begins
to emerge.
I consider the deconstruction of fundamentalism to be of
critical importance in our troubled world. Thanks again for the great
clarity that you contribute to our understanding.
Jeremy writes:
I just
have to say that I deeply respect you and your insights into the true
Christian faith. I can and do spend much time reading your research
into the origins of Christianity, and I believe that one day you may be
known as a great credit to humanity's enlightenment to the truth. Keep
up the spectacular work -- enlightenment is coming!
Larry writes:
Your
scholarly approach to "The Jesus Puzzle" is extraordinarily helpful to
folks like myself who are skeptical of the foundations of the world's
major religions while holding hope that the universe has a Designer
with a special interest in us. Having been an Engineer all my life, I
developed a strong 'technical ethic' for seeking truth in the presence
of more tempting alternatives. In this case the Christian belief is a
very tempting story that doesn't seem to be well supported. Kudos for
tackling this subject in this way and giving us real data to work with.
John writes:
I am grateful to you for your courage in
publishing these conclusions, conclusions that many people of my
acquaintance share. In Britain, almost all the christian sects are in
retreat, and most of my acquaintances do not believe in a divine Jesus;
some still believe in Jesus the revolutionary, but the rest believe
that Jesus is a fictional figure. From our side of the Atlantic the
decline of America into ignorant fundamentalism is terrifying. Your
blazing light of reason is a beacon of hope, not just for America, but
for the rest of the world.
Rob writes:
A
really great web site, Mr. Doherty. I salute you. I recently ordered
both The Jesus Puzzle and Challenging The Verdict. Sorry that I didn't
do it sooner. Please keep on with your great work, people like you are
very valuable and desperately needed.
Richard writes:
I've
been reading your website for a couple of nights. It is amazing. I read
Theology at Oxford thirty years ago and reading critical scholarship
stopped dead my youthful Christian enthusiasm. But I could never make
sense of the very issues you address. The absence of the historical
Jesus in Paul, the absence of the historical Jesus in the early
patristic fathers. I dropped theology, but I kept up reading in it to
see if someone could begin to address my concerns.
Well, you have.
Gerard writes:
I want to
thank you for your website, it is
fascinating reading. I find your Jesus Puzzle reasoning quite
convincing. Of course, not being any sort of Believer myself, I wasn't
in any need of any auto-deprogramming. Your novel is a great read as
well, thanks for making that available.
Vic writes:
I am in
the process of carefully reading your website material, articles, and
literary works. What has made me send you this message is because I am
a recent media graduate who sees a problem in the stark contrast
between your work and Mel Gibson's pseudo-historical shockumentary
that is actually considered infallible by our gullible minds who are
exposed to such media today. What bothers me is the other more balanced
perspective (yours, along with other credible historical research) in
this Gospel and New Testament issue does not receive anything close to
the media exposure of the deceiving history of Gibson.
Michael writes:
About
two and a half years ago I found the Jesus Puzzle web site. I found it
fascinating. Shortly thereafter I purchased The Case for Christ. I
could NOT even finish the first chapter. It sounded so wrong. Two weeks
ago I ordered Challenging the Verdict. When it arrived, I immediately
sat down and read it. It took me less than a day to devour it. Your
book is engrossing. I found myself telling the 'witnesses' to shut up
with their misinformation and erroneous logic, while at the same time
telling you to "go get 'em, Earl!" I also found that I had purchased a
Bible, so as to be able to follow theirs and your cases. Couldn't read
that either. From the bottom of my heart I thank you for your
marvellous work. Keep it up, we will win in the end!
P.S. Am almost finished with the Testament of Man series.
Fisher is an excellent author and his descriptions are very well
crafted.
Brad writes:
The
information on your website makes for compelling and thought-provoking
reading. I wonder if you have expressed an opinion about or explored
the idea that many of the personal figures found in the synoptic
gospels simply disappear from history with no conclusions to their
stories or lives. Among the many characters in the gospels, what
ultimately happened to them and so forth, seems absent as if the
various stories lack historical conclusions. I guess not knowing or
possessing viable histories, say, for a figure like Mary Magdalene or
the Virgin Mary, allows plenty of latitude to speculate on what became
of them. So, in addition to Paul's apparent ignorance of Jesus, does he
display the same deficiency for the many other characters too? Is it
possible that in such a great story with great characters that we'd
have almost no information as to what happened to the balance of their
lives, what they did, where they were buried, and so forth?
Response to Brad:
Whatever happened to...?
An intriguing observation.
It's really an extension of the silence in Paul and other early writers
on the characters we meet in the Gospels. Why indeed is there no
mention in the first century documents
(and some beyond) of Pontius Pilate, Mary and Joseph, Mary Magdalene,
John the Baptist, Judas, Joseph of Arimathea, Simon of Cyrene, and the
many other characters who take part in the story of Jesus' life? It is
not simply a question of a writer having occasion to mention them—and in any case there were plenty of occasions
in the epistles for such
mention—but why did these figures not
assume a symbolic
significance in the thought and preaching of early apostles like Paul?
If we can encounter references throughout the epistles to the demon
spirits in relation to the death and redeeming work of Jesus, why not
to Pilate or Herod? Why not to Judas? Why not to the places and details
of the death and resurrection of the Son of God himself on earth?
But as Brad points out, why did not some of the Gospel characters
continue
to
play a role in the ongoing movement after Jesus' departure? Can we
conceive of not having the slightest record of what happened to his
mother Mary, when and where and under what circumstances she died? As
she was barely more than a girl when she gave divine birth, one would
think that she might have had a long life following the crucifixion,
yet we have not the barest historical detail about such a life. Was the
entire Christian world uninterested in what happened to
Mary Magdalene, to the many people such as Lazarus who were reputed to
have been healed by Jesus or raised from the dead? Would not some of
these people have become involved in the spread of the faith? Why
didn't one of them accompany an apostle like Paul on his journeys, to
give a first-hand account of the wonders Jesus had worked? Would not
their presence on the missionary scene have led to some mention of them
by Christian writers of the time?
It is only in the second century that we see mention of some of these
characters start to appear, no doubt based on the Gospels, and by the
latter part of the century
legendary embellishment and sheer invention were bursting the bounds of
the
believable. There is nothing in those later accounts which suggests a
basis in actual historical tradition. Every sign in the
documentary record points to the whole lot of them being nothing more
than literary fabrication.
Bruce writes:
I have been struck by a
profound lack of comment on something Paul says which, when taken to
its logical conclusions, is stunning. You will recall how Paul's church
members were growing increasingly concerned that a number of them were
dying and Jesus still had not returned. While we don't hear what they
asked, Paul clearly answers them that those who had died already would
be resurrected into their new lives first, then those living would be
next. [1 Thessalonians 4:14-17]
The profound implication of this for all Christians is
this:
1) You are not resurrected until Jesus returns.
2) It is the year 2005 and Jesus has not yet returned.
3) Therefore no Christians have been resurrected since Jesus died and
are presumably still in the ground, not in heaven.
4) Therefore no Christians have gone to heaven since Jesus died.
I daresay that no Christian I know would accept the notion
that no Christian since the time of Jesus has gone to heaven.
Response to Bruce:
Are there no Christians in Heaven yet?
I daresay Bruce is
right.
And yet that is what the text of 1 Thessalonians clearly says (despite
occasional
apologetic attempts to see it otherwise, though most simply ignore it).
Let's follow Paul's line of
thought:
4:15 - For this we declare to you by the word of the Lord, that we who
are alive, who are left until the coming of the Lord, shall not precede
those who have fallen asleep. [Clearly,
Paul expects the Lord's coming—not return, a concept he
shows no sign
of—before some of those he is
speaking to will die.]
4:16 - For the Lord himself will descend from heaven with a cry of
command, with the archangel's call, and with the sound of the trumpet
of God. And the dead in Christ will rise first; [Those believers in Christ who have died
will be resurrected. There is no question of any dead believers having
already been resurrected to heaven.]
4:17 - then we who are alive, who are left, shall be caught up together
with them in the clouds to meet the Lord in the air; and so we shall
always be with the Lord. [Everything
happens at Christ's coming; those already dead rise first, then those
still alive do not die but ascend to meet the resurrected dead in the
sky and Christ himself.]
Since Christ has not come for the last two thousand years, it is clear
that if we are to believe Paul, no Christians who have died during that
time have gone to heaven. Nor is there a feasible "out" for the soul.
Paul says nothing about the soul having gone to heaven after death,
with only the body in the earth awaiting resurrection. If that were the
case, the readers of his letter would not have had reason to "grieve"
over their deceased brethren. 14:13 says: "But we would not have
you ignorant, brethren, concerning those who are asleep, that you may
not grieve as others do who have no hope." His readers
are not grieving for themselves, but for the deceased. Paul is allaying
their fears that those who have died before Christ's coming are lost.
He assures them that the dead will in fact have pride of place in
rising to
meet the Lord, followed by those who are still alive. In verse 16
he declares "the dead in Christ will rise first"; it
follows that they have not been brought to life, physically or
spiritually, prior to
this. They will be "dead" until the time of Christ's coming.
Of course, Paul fully expected the coming of the Lord Jesus within his
own lifetime, very soon in fact. It did not trouble him if the
Christian dead lay in the ground for a short time, awaiting Christ's
coming to rise from "sleep." If he had foreseen that two millennia
would pass with still no sign of that coming, he might have felt
constrained to
rethink the fate of the dead believer. It is this kind of passage that
causes such problems for those who believe that every word in the New
Testament is the word of God. They usually end up ignoring
it, or monkeying with the translation, such as the NIV does, attempting
to break the link between the two thoughts within verse 13. The New
American Bible, in commenting on this passage in a footnote,
contradicts not only the text itself, and its own translation, but
other
comments within the same footnote.
It is this passage which is the principal basis for modern Christian
belief
in the Rapture, a crackpot idea based on a crackpot idea
by Paul,
who was no doubt improvising as he went along, convinced that the
Son he believed had been revealed to him was about to
appear on earth.
(The prophet who imagines
great things for the future will invariably see them as due to occur in
his own future, simply
because he cannot accept that he won't be around to get in on the
action; the same kind of thinking is rampant among evangelicals today.)
When Paul was faced with these doubts among his congregation, he drew
on Daniel 7:13 and its vision of the "one like a son of man"—which originally symbolized the Jewish saints at the time
of the Maccabean uprising—for the image of
Christ arriving on the clouds. But there is nothing in scripture that I
am aware of which could have served as the basis for the remainder of
Paul's fanciful scene, and we can assume this is the product of his own
imagination and of the needs he faced at the moment.
And what consequence from that imagination! Paul writes a letter to a
tiny community in a small town in ancient Greece to allay a few
people's fears, conjuring up an image that ought to have landed him in
a home for the deranged (and probably would today if it was being
proposed for the first time). Two thousand years later, half the
population on this part of the planet firmly believes in the
imminent Rapture of believers, carried up to heaven on salvation's
clouds, leaving behind an apocalyptic fate for planet and unbeliever
alike. This is what can happen when the human mind slavishly and
uncritically surrenders itself to antiquated writings of a primitive
past, in a perpetuation of ignorance and superstition that should long
ago have been laid to rest. We now belong to a society where such
craziness has seized a good portion of the citizenry; where a series of
novels
embodying this mad scenario tops the bestseller lists; where children
are taught to keep one eye on the heavens for the arrival of a
supernatural being and their personal levitation in defiance of
gravity. Such a mindset pervading so much of what passes for human
intelligence cannot possibly fail to undermine the social,
educational and scientific fabric of our culture. We are facing a
profound intellectual decay, from ordinary neighborhoods to the halls
of power. Empires have fallen on far less.
Dmitry
writes:
I really enjoyed reading your articles and they changed the
way I see Christianity. I also read articles of Dr. Hermann Detering
about the apostle Paul and he very convincingly shows that letters
ascribed to Paul could not be written in 50-70 A.D. by the same guy,
especially a Jewish guy. (So whoever Paul was if he lived before the
end of the 1st century and was a Jew he could not write his letters.)
Dr.
Detering also shows that although having some historic prototype
Paul--the hero of Acts Paul--the author of the letters did not exist.
In your articles, it seems to me you treat letters of Paul
as authentic and consider him more or less historical, having at least
something in common with the main character of Acts. Do you believe
that there was some guy named Paul who acted way before the end of the
1st century and wrote letters, because if he did not exist it somehow
affects some of your arguments.
Response to Dmitry:
Was
there a first-century Paul?
The existence and nature of a first-century, letter-writing Paul
is probably the thorniest question in critical/radical New Testament
scholarship. Early in my own research, I came to the conclusion that a
Paul without an historical Jesus in his background went a long way
toward answering many of the perplexities that exist in his letters, as
well as the epistles in general. I decided to adopt some degree of
authenticity, and some measure of dependability in the existence of
such an apostle and letter writer in the first century. Very little I
have encountered since then has led me to compromise that basic
position, though I have come to see the likelihood of a much greater
degree of editing and splicing in the letters than mainstream
scholarship has envisioned. Despite this, I have tried to avoid
falling back on an appeal to wholesale interpolation to get around some
of the difficulties that confront us.
I have the greatest respect for Dr. Detering, and consider him one of
the most proficient researchers in radical scholarship today. But his
case has not really convinced me. Not that I have a counter-answer to
every argument he puts forward; some of them are quite cogent. But
some lend themselves to alternate explanation, and there are other
elements to the letters, and to the wider documentary picture, for
which he, on the other side, has no satisfactory answer. One simple
example is the issue discussed in the previous feedback.
Does that passage in 1 Thessalonians about the coming of the Lord fit
the second century, either as a product of Marcion or the growing
ecclesiastical orthodoxy? I cannot see how. The expectation here of the
imminent coming of Christ is too strong, too raw, which was not the
case in the early to mid-second century when everyone was coping with
and making
excuses for the long delay in the Parousia. The setting (the Sitz im Leben, if you will) is too
primitive, too ingenuous, to reflect something like the sophisticated
Roman scene of the 140s to 160s. Nor do I accept that forgers from a
later period would have been capable of casting their creations
according to the ideas and atmosphere of an earlier time. Not only
would this have been a difficult exercise from a research point of
view, it would have been overridden by the necessity to reflect current
conditions in order to serve the purpose of the forgery, to convey the
partisan viewpoint that was being championed. If your forgery is so
subtle and so efficient that its meaning for the present situation
eludes the
reader, much of its effect is going to be lost. It is, for example,
because the second-century issues and conditions are so in evidence in
the Pastoral epistles that critical scholarship has little or no doubt
that they are not the product of a first-century Paul.
Much the same point can be made in regard to the utter lack of any
historical Jesus in evidence in the Pauline corpus. If these epistles
are the product (even as redactions) of a growing ecclesiastical
orthodoxy dependent on the Gospels, where is that Gospel atmosphere,
where are the Gospel details? If the great issue between Marcion and
the Roman Church was the identification of the ultimate God (as opposed
to the demiurge and creator Yahweh) and the
role of
Jesus in preaching him, why is that issue completely undetectable in
the Pauline corpus? The elements in the epistles which I have seen
pointed to as alleged indicators of such second-century issues are so
subtle and so obscure as to be virtually unrecognizable, and to be
little differentiated from simply having read them into the text.
An entirely second century Paul also has its effects on much of the
rest of the early Christian record. To accommodate the radical
scenario, documents such as 1 Clement and the letters of Ignatius
(Shorter Rescension) must
be shunted past the middle of the century. In my website articles
(particularly No. 12 on the Apostolic Fathers)
and on internet
discussion boards, I have been outspoken on the lack of a good,
convincing case for dating the above-mentioned epistles to as late as
the 150s or 160s. The same problems I voiced above in regard to the
Pauline corpus are equally in evidence when dating these documents so
late. It seems to me that the ripple effect of a second century Pauline
fabrication, not to mention a post-150 dating for all the Gospels, just
gets wider and wider. I have heard it claimed that perhaps even Justin
Martyr is a later forgery, that Christianity didn't really get off the
ground until the reign of Commodus. It all becomes too extravagant,
with too many unresolvable difficulties, an alleged conspiracy to
create
an entirely fictional past which would surely have been beyond the
capacity and gullibility even of early Christians. As I say, there are
arguments on
both sides and not all of them can be dismissed, and it may be that the
real answer lies in a combination of factors, something even more
complicated than we can discern at this time, if we are ever able to.
We
certainly need the more radical voices of scholars like Dr. Detering,
but the verdict on the question of Paul is far from in, and in the end
we may be stuck with a hung jury.
For some previous thoughts on this question, see my Response to Raymond in Reader Feedback
24.
Kevin writes:
I
enjoyed your commentary in Mr. Flemming's movie! ["The God Who Wasn't There," a film and
documentary produced by Brian Flemming which irreverently pricks the
bubble of religion and questions the existence of an historical Jesus;
in addition to the film itself, it contains on-camera interviews with
Robert Price, Richard Carrier,
Sam Harris and others, and audio interviews (by telephone) with myself
and Richard Dawkins.]
Something struck me while I was listening to your
conversation regarding Paul. Did he offer the savior god mediator, or
did he offer the savior god mediation? My understanding of Paul was
(that he was speaking of) the coming of the Christ not as a mediator,
but of the mediation of the Jewish God.
Response to Kevin:
Does Paul see the Mediator as Jesus, or God?
This is an excellent way of putting things.
If Jesus had recently been on earth, living the life which the Gospels
portray, there can be no question that he would be the prominent figure
in the minds and expressions of the early Christians. He would be
regarded as the source of the apostles' gospel and their own call, of
the sect's teachings, as the originator of its practices; his acts
would cast him as the primary savior and agent of salvation. As Kevin
puts it, he would be God's mediator on earth, standing front-row-center.
As we all know, the picture presented in the Pauline
and other epistles is quite different. At first glance, it may seem a
subtle difference, but once spotlighted it emerges more clearly in all
its perplexity. Without exception, the epistle writers of the New
Testament present God as the primary savior, the primary revealer, the
sole source of the movement's doctrines, prophecies and ethics. Signs
and wonders (as in Hebrews 2:4) are performed by God, not by Jesus.
God, through scripture and the Holy Spirit, is the source of grace and
inspiration, and knowledge of Himself. Most importantly, Jesus is an
entity who has been "revealed" in the present time, and while his
spirit and his occasional "word" (again through sacred writings and
revelation) is alive within the community, his physical presence in the
recent past is nowhere to be found.
Paul regards the apostolic movement—with himself at the center—as in
partnership with God, bringing knowledge of salvation and a new
covenant to the world. What has "come" in the present time is "faith"
(as in
Galatians 3:23-25). If anyone on earth is or was a "mediator," it is
Paul himself, with Jesus virtually imperceptible in the background.
Rather, Jesus is spoken of as a channel, a facilitator within the mind
of the Christian, an aspect of God through which humanity interacts
with Deity. This is the significance of that common expression Paul
uses throughout: "in Christ" or "through Christ." To the extent that we
can get a handle on Paul's concept of Jesus, stripping away our Gospel
associations within the epistles, the early Christian concept was
indeed a "mediation of the Jewish God," using his own emanation—Son, word, Messiah—as conduit and
instrument. For Paul, Jesus has a personality only as an offshoot or
appendage to God himself; the devotion he feels for Christ is an
extension of what he feels for God.
While I have styled the Christ of the early
Christians as an "intermediary" entity, the sense of distinction
between
the Son and the Father is a pale ghost of an affair, and it pervades
the entire first century record outside the Gospels. It could not
possibly have resulted from the reaction to a flesh and blood human man
who, within living memory, had taught and worked miracles on the sands
of Galilee and bled on
the hill of Calvary.
Gordon writes:
Have you read Bishop Spong? Does he think Jesus was a myth?
He clearly rules out the gospels as historical records. I think it
would be profitable to see a review by you of his book.
Response to Gordon:
Bishop Spong on the Mythicist Case
I'm not sure which of Bishop Spong's books Gordon is
referring to, but I do have a review of his book Liberating the Gospels on the
site.
Recently on the JesusMysteries list someone posted a query sent to
Spong along with his reply. Once again, it shows the deficient nature
of
mainstream scholarship's understanding of the Jesus myth question, and
in fact, Spong's reply is
a rather surprising case of begging the question—surprising,
in view of his obvious intellectual powers and openness to new
ideas in the several books he has written.
In response to the question: "Mr. [Tom]
Harpur...even says there is no historical evidence for the existence of
Jesus....Your thoughts?" Spong had this to say:
"When you read
the Epistle to the Galations, you will discover that Paul gives a
rather graphic account of his activities since his conversion. The
noted Church historian Adolf Harnack has dated that conversion not less
than one year or more than six after the crucifixion. This would mean
that if we date the crucifixion about 30 C.E., which is the best
estimate of scholars today, that Paul came into the Christian Church
somewhere between 31 and 36 C.E. Paul writes (Gal. 1:17,18) that
following his conversion he went to Arabia for three years. This would
bring us to 34 to 39 C.E. After those three years he says he went to
Jerusalem to consult with Cephas i.e. Peter. He describes that
conversation which also included James, who Paul calls 'the brother of
the Lord'. Next Paul says 'after 14 years I went up again to
Jerusalem'.
"That would bring us to somewhere between 48
and 53 C.E.
Most scholars date Galations in the early 50's. I go over these first
hand Pauline references to demonstrate that Paul knew the people who
knew Jesus, which makes the idea that Jesus was a mythological
character created by inventors of a religion a rather preposterous
claim. Myths take far more time than that to develop. Paul certainly
did not think that he was being told about a mythological figure. He
was talking to people who knew the Jesus of history.
"Of course an interpretive framework was
placed on Jesus by the time the gospels were written (70 to 100 C.E.).
This framework was drawn from many sources. In the book I am working on
at the moment (scheduled for publication in 2007) I will try to cast
light on those interpretive sources."
Clearly, Bishop Spong has no conception of the problems
inherent in Paul's letters which indicate that he knew nothing of an
historical Jesus, or the presentation in those letters of a coherent
picture of a mythical savior-god faith. He relies on Paul having
had contact at an early period with apostles who knew Jesus, supposedly
precluding the possibility that he was taught about someone around whom
so much legend had been attached that Paul believed he was hearing
about a mythological figure. (This, of course, does not address the
nature of the faith Paul had been converted to a few years earlier.)
Spong
does not seem to grasp that those
early apostles could themselves have believed in a mythical savior, as
Paul did, and that no evidence exists in the early record, including
the Pauline letters, that they were "people who knew the Jesus of
history." That is simply assuming what is in question. As for the time
of their meeting being too early for excessive legend to have
attached to Jesus, Spong, like so many scholars, ignores the
elevated picture of Christ found throughout the New Testament epistles
which indicates that Jesus had reached the highest level of Godhead and
mythological portrayal from the very earliest point we can detect the
movement: enjoying pre-existence with the Father, all the titles of
God, all the spiritual roles of a
logos-type Son, and so on (as in 1
Corinthians 8:6, Colossians 1:15-20, Philippians 2:6-11, Hebrews
1:1-4). All with no identification with an historical man.
Dr. Spong, like so many of his colleagues, would benefit from a
course in Mythicism 101. (He did receive a copy of The Jesus Puzzle from Robert Price
at a Jesus Seminar meeting in 1999, right after the first printing of
the book, but one has to assume it still languishes in a drawer
somewhere.) From his comment about an upcoming book, it seems he will
be drawing on that old saw about all this mythical language about Jesus
in the early record being an "interpretation" of the man. It's too bad
that the record itself gives us no indication that this is what those
writers were doing.
Connor writes:
Perhaps
you can help me with something. I have some Christian friends with whom
I have
discussed the issue of Jesus' historicity (or lack thereof). I
have pointed out that there is no mention of Jesus by anybody
who
actually knew him or by any source contemporaneous with his supposed
existence.
The response I usually get is that "you can say the same thing about
Julius Caesar." In fact, my one friend contends that "there is less
evidence of Julius Caesar than of Jesus, but nobody questions his
(Caesar's) existence."
Is this true? I realize that even if it is true, it serves more to cast
doubt
on Caesar's historicity than to support Jesus' (such is the sloppy
logic often
employed by Christian apologists), but I would very much appreciate
your reply.
Response
to Connor:
The
Existence of Julius Caesar vs. Jesus
The claim that there is no more
evidence for Julius Caesar's existence than for that of Jesus is
nonsense. We
have coins
issued by Caesar, some with his head on them, we have a bust of him
created the year of his assassination (44 BCE). We have writings by the
man
himself (for example,
Gallic Wars), we have many
mentions of him by contemporary historians
and those
immediately following, and the history of Rome in the following
century, as
recorded by multiple historians, can make no sense without
him. Such
histories are secular works by writers who have no religious axe to
grind, unlike the Gospels—the sole
evidence for Jesus' earthly existence in
almost the first hundred years of Christian record,
uncorroborated
by outside historians—which are
products of faith intended to promote faith in
a polemical atmosphere. They contain all sorts of supernatural and
miraculous elements, and almost all of their details can be
shown to
be midrash based on the Old Testament. Like many apologetic claims
by
Christians, this one is simply erroneous and the product of
wishful
thinking.
Nigel writes:
I
have just been having a look at your website. There is a lot of
material here
and what I have read so far makes compelling reading. I
would like to ask if you have looked at a site by a Dr. Mike
Magee,
who argues, as an atheist, for a historical Jesus, but one who would
not
fit the mythological version of the gospels? He claims that Jesus
was
historical, but far from gentle and loving and spreading a message of
peace and
God's word, he was a criminally minded rebel, and the Church latched
onto him as
the person who they might wrap a mythology around.
Of
course there is also the argument that there was one (or possibly more)
prophet- teachers of that time period, who were perhaps preaching
liberal
spiritual truths and got into trouble for it with the established
order, the
mythology then being placed around this. Slavonic texts which might
have been
the work of Josephus (but might not also) suggest an unedited version
of the
standard 'War of the Jews' text which appears as a complete insertion
by later
church writers. The Slavonic texts make reference to a much more
ordinary
male (no
virgin birth, no son of God claims, no resurrection as such).
Response
to Nigel:
Jesus as a Criminal Rebel /
Slavonic Josephus
There
are several websites devoted to interpretations of an historical Jesus
not in conformity with the Gospel story or orthodox preferences, Dr.
Magee's being one of them. My measure of all of them is the same: do
these scenarios find support in the early documentary evidence? The
answer is always the same: a resounding No. Nothing in the New
Testament documents outside the Gospels and Acts, nothing in other
early non-canonical documents such as 1 Clement, Hermas, Odes of
Solomon, etc., gives us any reason to believe that a mythology was
built around a politically active human teacher, prophet or miracle
worker. No record, no implication of such a man can be extracted from
their texts.
At the same time, such documents provide no insight into why or how the
elevated mythological characterization such as we find in them would
have been attached to a political activist and rebel, a
crucified criminal. Why would Paul or his predecessors have turned an
ignoble figure such as some of these scenarios present into the Son of
God and Savior of the World? If he was essentially a nonentity (whom no
contemporary historian mentions), not unlike several others during the
same period, how could he have given rise to a dynamic cult
which eventually swept the empire? Josephus mentions would-be messiah
figures such as Judas the Galilean, Theudas and an unnamed Egyptian,
all of whom led revolts and gathered followers and met untimely ends.
None of
them were elevated to Godhead.
All such scenarios are basically extrapolated from the Gospels, an
attempt to read behind them into a what-might-have-been situation. When
one considers that the Gospels as we have them are basically a literary
construction out of midrash on the Hebrew bible, so that not even the
most fundamental data in them can be relied on as historical, any
foundation for these scenarios completely evaporates. As for a "church"
wrapping a mythology around a human figure, criminal or otherwise, this
puts the cart before the horse, since the earliest church gives
evidence only of the mythology itself and, to judge by the epistles,
did not exist in any state prior to it.
I am occasionally asked about the Slavonic Josephus, a topic I have
never addressed. Briefly, there is an extended passage in the
Old Russian translation of Josephus' Jewish
War which seems to take as its starting point the famous
Testimonium Flavianum of the extant Greek Antiquities of the Jews (Book 18),
but with significant divergences and expansions. It is occasionally
suggested
that this 'Slavonic' version, translated from some Greek predecessor
now lost, may have been originally dependent on an
authentic mention of Jesus by Josephus, one which was altered to
produce the Antiquities
Testimonium. Before commenting on this, let's
reproduce the Slavonic passage in full. (I have taken the text from
Frank Zindler's The Jesus the Jews
Never Knew, p.67-8, which in turn is taken from According to the Hebrews, by Hugh
J. Schonfield.)
At that time there appeared a
certain man, if it is meet to call him a man. His nature and form was
human, but the appearance of him more than (that) of a human (being):
yet his works (were) divine. He wrought miracles wonderful and strong.
Wherefore it is impossible for me to call him a human (being, simply).
But on the other hand, if I look at (his) characteristic (human)
nature, I will not call him an angel.
And all, whatsoever he wrought through an invisible power, he wrought
by a word and command. Some said of him, "our first lawgiver is risen
from the dead, and hath evidenced this by many cures and prodigies."
But the others thought he was (a man) sent from God. Now in many things
he opposed the Law and kept not the Sabbath according to the custom of
(our) forefathers. Yet again, he did nothing shameful nor underhand.
And many of the multitude followed after him and hearkened to his
teaching. And many souls were roused, thinking that thereby the Jewish
tribes could free themselves from Roman hands. But it was his custom
rather to abide without the city on the Mount of Olives. There also he
granted cures to the people. And there gathered to him of helpers 150,
but of the crowd a multitude.
But when they saw his power, that he accomplished by a word whatsoever
he would, and when they had made known to him their will, that he
should enter the city and cut down the Roman troops and Pilate, and
rule over them, he heeded it not. And when thereafter news of it was
brought to the Jewish leaders, they assembled together with the high
priest and said, "We are powerless and (too) weak to resist the Romans.
Since however the bow is bent, we will go and communicate to Pilate
what we have heard, and we shall be free from trouble, in order that he
may not hear (it) from others and we be robbed of (our) goods and
ourselves slaughtered and (our) children dispersed."
And they went and reported (it) to Pilate. And he sent and had many of
the multitude slain. And he had that wonder-worker brought up, and
after he had held an inquiry concerning him, he pronounced (this)
judgment: "He is (a benefactor, but not) a malefactor (nor) a rebel
(nor) covetous of king(ship)." And he let him go, for he had healed his
dying wife. And after he had gone to his wonted place, he did his
wonted works. And when more people again gathered around him, he
glorified himself by his action(s) more than all.
The scribes (therefore) being stung with envy gave Pilate thirty
talents to kill him. And he took (it) and gave them liberty to carry
out their will (themselves). And they took him and crucified him
contrary to the law of (their) fathers.
A further passage relating to the resurrection of Jesus has been
inserted at a different location in the Slavonic Jewish War of Josephus:
And since in the time of him (i.e., Claudius)
many helpers of the wonder-worker aforementioned [actually the above passage comes
subsequent to this one in the text] had appeared and spoken to
the people of their Master, (saying) that he was alive, although he had
been dead, and "he will free you from bondage," many of the multitude
hearkened to the(ir) preaching and took heed of their directions, not
on account of their reputation, for they were of the humble(r) sort,
some mere tailors, other sandal-makers, (or) other artisans. But
wonderful were the signs which they worked, in truth what(ever) they
wanted.
Like the Testimonium Flavianum as we have it, there is no way that
Josephus could have authored this entire passage, and few are
claiming that he did. But here we face the same problem. If this is a
Christian insertion, how do we identify from it any authentic original
by Josephus on which it might be based? The language and style is
reminiscent of some of the most naive Christian expression. Most of the
sentiments and reported events can hardly be attributed to Josephus. If
anything resembling such a collection of ideas, even a portion of them,
were to be found in some original manuscript of Josephus, there is no
way any Christian copyist would have removed it, or reduced
it to the bare bones of the known Testimonium. There is no way that
Christian writers such as Origen or Eusebius would have failed to
mention such a passage and such reporting. Much is made of the fact
that in the Slavonic version there is no inclusion of the idea that
Jesus was the Messiah, an element that stands out like a sore thumb in
the Antiquities 18 passage,
and which all are agreed cannot be the voice of Josephus.
It is claimed that its absence could indicate that the Christian
copyist responsible for these passages in the Slavonic was working from
an
original reference to Jesus by Josephus which did not contain it,
rather than from the patently Christian insertion we are familiar with;
the point being that such a basis would be more likely to be authentic
than the known Testimonium. But this is all speculation, and a grasping
at straws.
Since this particular interpolation seems to come from the hand of
someone or some group which was not anxious to regard Jesus as much
more than human, there may have been good reason to eliminate the
Testimonium's "he was the Messiah" if that passage—as seems likely—was the basis
for the one which ended up in the Slavonic. Certainly many of the
opening phrases have the
same ring to them, and they include a couple which are part of the
acknowledged Christian interpolation which now stands in the Antiquities of the Jews 18. Thus,
we can be quite sure that the interpolator of the Slavonic passage is
working from a post-Christian stage of the Antiquities insertion, which
virtually eliminates the possibility that he had knowledge of an
original passage by Josephus. He is
enthusiastic about Jesus'
miracles, but he seems to avoid playing up the divinity of
Jesus, and his references to the resurrection are guarded. Thus, his
elimination of the phrase "He was the Messiah" could be in keeping with
such an
outlook. We might locate this interpolation
among one of the so-called Jewish-Christian circles which rejected
divinity for Jesus and had reservations about traditions
of bodily resurrection. (Such groups can only be identified from the
latter second century on, and could thus be simply the product of an
imagined historical figure based on the Gospels.)
We cannot identify this Slavonic version at any earlier point than the
thirteenth century, but it was probably based on a Greek version which
was done considerably earlier. The
divergences from the canonical Gospel accounts—the
curious detail about Pilate initially letting Jesus go, or the Jews
carrying out the crucifixion themselves—would
indicate that it comes from a time when the Gospels were not yet carved
in stone across the Christian world. That divergence might lead some to
think that we
have in view here (if somewhat obscurely) a Josephan account of a Jesus
rather different from what was made of him in the Gospels, a window
onto
actual history, if you will. But the sentiments of the first paragraph
can hardly be assigned to Josephus any more than any portion of the
extant Testimonium, as I have demonstrated in both The Jesus Puzzle and on this
website. And to assign any of the other elements of this passage to
Josephus becomes an entirely speculative affair, no better an
alternative than seeing the whole thing as a Christian product, in an
era when even someone like Justin could get important details of the
Jesus story 'wrong.' Again, any residue of these passages in the
Slavonic text that were authentic to Josephus would not likely have
gone unnoticed by Christian commentators and remarked on. Someone like
Origen was not averse to pointing out statements he disagreed with in
non-Christian writers and do his best to correct them.
New Testament scholars in the first part of the 20th century tended to
dismiss outright both references to Jesus in Josephus as inauthentic in
their entirety. It has since become fashionable, with understandable
bandwagon effect, to regard portions of the Testimonium in Antiquities 18 as being probably
genuine, on the basis of no secure evidence whatsoever. Representative
of the former group was Charles Guignebert, and on the Slavonic
Josephus he had this to say [Jesus,
ET 1956, p.149]:
"But on the other hand,
there is no reliance to be placed in the corrections and additions
which the fragments of the Slavonic version of the Jewish War are supposed to furnish.
The gross historical errors of which they are full, together with their
inconsistency, deprive them of any claim to serious consideration, and
the various emendations to which their most recent, and staunchest,
champion, Robert Eisler [who wrote in
the 1930s], has arbitrarily subjected them for the purpose of
making them acceptable, have, in the opinion of th[is] writer, rendered
them worthless."
Robert writes:
When I was a
child, I had faith because my Aunt told me I should. I remained a
christian until I was twenty one years old. When I went to college and
learned a few things about science I realized that the creation story
was a myth. With an epiphany, I abandonded Christianity on the
speculation that if some parts of the Bible were false, then most of it
must also be false as it is so fantastic a fable. Reading your web site
helps make me glad I stopped wasting my time on Christianity when I was
a young man and has helped me fight the old faith and its associated
feelings of guilt, fear, and worthlessness. It seems the religious
teachings from my youth have been trying to surface into my mind from
somewhere deep in my subconscious. Your site and that of other
proponents of a non-historical Jesus are helping me overcome the brain
washing indoctrination from the thousand or more fundementalist church
services I attended while a christian. As almost all the worship
services were very emotional, the teachings went deep into the mind.
I do have a question for you. It is my impression
that you have stated or implied that there are very few references to
details of the Passion in the writings of the ante-Nicean church
fathers. I read the following on the Jesusneverexisted.com site of Ken
Humphrey.
"Judas walked
about in this world a sad example of impiety; for his body
having
swollen to such an extent that he could not pass where a chariot
could pass
easily, he was crushed by the chariot, so that his bowels gushed
out."
--Papias,
"Exposition of the Oracles of the Lord" Book II.
So Humphrey quotes Papias expounding on Judas. Since Judas is one of
the characters of the Passion play (and if this is a real quote), would
this partially invalidate the christ as myth case? If there is a likely
and reasonable probablity this is a forgery, then Papias can retain his
place of honor in the peanut gallery.
Response to Robert:
Childhood Brainwashing / Papias
and the Death of Judas
One of the survival mechanisms which evolution has developed is a
facility in our formative childhood years to absorb training and
experience, to make the things we learn almost an instinctive part of
one's behavior and reflexes. That facility enables us to learn
language, to perfect physical abilities, to develop bonds, to recognize
danger, and so on. Unfortunately, we have not been given, in
those early years, the same degree of facility to make judgments about
the validity and rationality of what we 'learn'—that,
hopefully, comes later. Children are basically trusting about what they
receive from adults, and indeed that trust is part of the survival
mechanism. This is why indoctrinating children is so easy. Most of the
religious indoctrination many of us receive has been harmful, a form of
child abuse, as those who have managed to free themselves from it can
attest. Robert has summed up its essence quite succinctly: "guilt, fear
and worthlessness." To which we may add, the suppression or removal of
one's ability to think rationally and critically where religious
beliefs are concerned. For some, it may take
little more than to be exposed to rational ideas and criticism of
religion, though the subconscious effects may never be totally
eradicated. For others, the indoctrination has been so thorough,
neither the mind nor the human spirit ever gains its well-being and
freedom.
Not only do we place our trust in our parents and elders, where
religion is concerned we place it in the figures and traditions that
established our religious faith at its beginnings. This is one reason
why it is so difficult to expose those beginnings and people for what
they were, as they have been so overlaid with reverent and idealized
legend and character in order to elevate them in the eyes of later
generations and help justify continuing faith. The bible is full of
often primitive, ridiculous and reprehensible accounts, unflattering to
both God and men, yet indoctrination keeps the brain's eyes glazed over
so as not to recognize what they see. The figures we know from earliest
Christianity, from Paul to the later Fathers, held beliefs and
attitudes which are deplorable, shot through with ignorance and
superstition. Paul could endorse the crassest form of predestination on
God's part, as in Romans 9. Ignatius could label those who disagreed
with his doctrines "beasts in the form of men" and "mad dogs" (Sm. 4,
Eph. 7). The developing Church fell increasingly into misogyny,
anti-Semitism, and pathological denigration of the body. Justin Martyr
could
explain similarities between earlier mystery cults and Christianity as
the work of demons; and Christ himself, as created out of the minds of
his contemporaries, believed illness was also the work of demons.
Christian soteriology itself, the salvation of the world, was built
upon the primitive concept of blood sacrifice. All such things are
shielded from the critical mind, from questioning and reactions of
abhorrence, through indoctrination—with the help
of professional rationalization by minds that
ought to know better.
Robert brings up the question of Papias' report of Judas' death,
wondering if this compromises the mythicist case. No more so than any
other second century report about some
Gospel character or other (of which there are few, in any case, coming
from the
first half of the century). By the time of Papias' lost work, about 120-140, traditions attached
to a perceived
historical Jesus and the tale of his life told in the Gospels were
starting to appear. We can allot no reliability to such reports. (The
apologist Quadratus, around Papias' time, declared that some of the
dead resurrected by Jesus were still alive in his own day!) As for
the death of Judas, the penchant for garnishing legends
is clear from both Papias and Apollinarius. The Gospel of Matthew has
Judas dying by hanging himself. Later tradition as reflected
in those writers felt it had to embellish on this and declared that
Judas had been cut down before he was suffocated, so that he could go
on to experience an even more gruesome death, no doubt because simple
hanging wasn't considered enough.
Ken Humphrey (if Robert is quoting him accurately) does not have the
Papias fragment quite right. The part about Judas' bowels gushing out
comes from Acts 1:18, which Apollinarius quotes before recounting
Papias' own comments on the matter. The latter relate not to Judas'
death, but to his bloated condition, in which the mass of his head was
wider than a wagon, and his eyelids so swollen that he could see no
light. It is on
writers who could subscribe to and report traditions like these that we
are
dependent for much of our information on early Christianity and its
origins.
Doug writes:
I think that
even if the canonical gospels and Acts were written from 70 CE to 100
CE as mainstream scholarship says, the reason gospel details are not
referred to in Christian writings until 180 CE (except for Justin
Martyr) may be because they were viewed as myths meant to convey the
spiritual truths taught by those in the Christian movement which was
really a Greek mystical/philosophical movement. But by 180 CE
Christians who took the gospels literally (a minority in the decades
preceding) won out and virtually all Christians believed in the
historical Jesus of the gospels. From 100 CE to 180 CE the gospels and
Acts were circulating and served as the Christian equivalent of the
Greek myths. Justin and a handful of less educated Christians took them
literally but the educated apologists didn't and therefore had no
reason to quote from them in their writings. What do you think?
Response to Doug:
Did the Second Century Apologists
know of the Gospels? / Occam's Razor
Doug's
proposal is one way of viewing the broader picture. It can
be especially useful in regard to the second century apologists. It
would allow us to accept the Gospels as products of the late
first century and early part of the second, known perhaps in many
circles but
not accepted as historical documents for several decades, in some
places for longer than others. This would also allow us to grant most
of the apologists a knowledge of those Gospels, yet because
they regarded them as a form of allegorical mythology, they could
ignore or dismiss them in their presentations of the faith. This, in
fact, is a much more acceptable proposal for explaining the silence on
the figure of an historical Jesus in those apologists than that
proposed by mainstream scholarship, which has it that the apologists
suppressed the figure of Jesus because they were embarrassed by him or
felt it was politically advisable to do so. The latter explanation has
too
many problems if one assumes that Jesus and the Gospel events were
historical and that most everyone, pagan and Christian, knew of them;
but the idea of deliberate silence works much better if it is assumed
that the apologists left Jesus out because they did not subscribe to
the historicity of the Gospels or their central character.
Do we have a specific indicator of this in any of the apologists'
writing? We certainly do. Tatian refers to "stories" that Christians
tell, styling them the same as the "stories" of the pagans. As I have
pointed out in my book and website article on the Second Century
Apologists, and in my response to
GakuseiDon's critique of that material, Tatian makes no effort to
stipulate a basic difference between the stories of the Christians and
those of the pagans, namely that the former were allegedly historical
while the latter were not. All the major apologists I discuss save
Justin are silent on things such as an incarnation for their Son and
Logos, an atonement doctrine, a resurrection of a divine being from the
dead, and so on. If they did not regard the Gospels as history, but as
a
set of 'in-house' allegories to embody spiritual truths, then leaving
them out of their pictures of the faith was perfectly reasonable and
not motived by the necessity for concealment. Such myths would simply
have complicated
their apologies and led to confusion and misunderstanding.
Within this picture we are still faced with a non-unified Christian
movement of several
strands. The Logos-religion of the apologists cannot be a direct
descendant of the Pauline type of mystery cult, since they do not
include sacrificial or atonement elements; salvation comes through
knowledge of the Christ and his relationship to God. The apologists
have evolved from some other first century strand, and we may be able
to identify it. It may lie among those rivals of Paul on the Corinthian
scene and elsewhere, those who rejected the idea of a crucified
Messiah, such as the Alexandrian Apollos (see my Article No. 1: Apollos and the Early Christian Apostolate).
Those circles preaching "another Jesus," whom Paul is vying with,
seem to have had a Revealer Christ, their devotees being saved through
the "wisdom" this spiritual Son imparts. Alexandria was a hotbed source
of Logos philosophy; perhaps it gave birth to a strain of Christ-belief
that evolved into the philosophical logos-mysticism of Athenagoras,
Theophilus, Tatian and their like a century and more later. (For some insight into this, see Article No. 5: Tracing the Christian Lineage in Alexandria.)
Yet another strand was the underlying source of the Gospel Jesus as a
teacher, prophet and miracle worker. This came to Christianity from a
separate direction, namely a Kingdom preaching movement centered in
Galilee in the mid-first century. It was essentially apocalyptic,
focused on the expected Son of Man, and it advocated a new social ethic
partly derived from a Greek source, the Cynics. When the Gospels were
first written to reflect this movement, which by that time included the
idea of an historical founder, how much of their story was regarded as
history? Did Mark and the later evangelists regard Q's Jesus as an
actual recent man? It may be difficult to say, although we can assume
that none of them regarded the story they created as historical in
itself, since virtually all of it was constructed from midrash on the
Hebrew Bible. Matthew, Luke and John could not have regarded their
Markan source as history because they felt free to alter it wholesale.
In the second century, these and other strands were gravitating toward
each other. Ignatius and Barnabas reflect cultic Christ circles who
were
absorbing Gospel influences and ever more Gospel details. Meanwhile,
the
gnostics were emerging with a spiritual Christ that was evolving to a
docetic Christ on earth and also absorbing Gospel influences along with
the figure of Jesus of Nazareth. The Logos-religion of the apologists
seems to have gone the longest in resisting the absorption of the
Gospel Jesus and his story as historical; some of their circles may
have brought it on board, but only as allegorical mythology. The first
to break ranks and join the literalists were Justin, and a little later
Tatian. The process seems to have been complete only some time after
the year 180.
Those enamored of Occam's Razor (and there are many) may feel that such
a broad scenario is too detailed, too complex. And yet it hangs
together, it takes into account all the evidence, especially the
'riotous diversity' of the early Christian movement which even
mainstream scholarship has to admit. And it conforms to experience, in
that most philosophical and religious movements in history operate that
way; they coalesce out of multiple strands and broad predecessors.
(Think of the evolution of the Hebrew 'nation' and its eventual
monotheism: despite the artificial myth-making of the Bible, when we
look backward through the history and archeology of the ancient Near
East we see the Jewish entity dissolving outward into many diverse
strands of
development and ideas from Egypt to Phoenicia to Mesopotamia,
trajectories coming together throughout the late second and early first
millennia to produce Israel and its concept of itself.) Now, there are those philosophical and
religious movements which arise out of specific figures, such as
Buddhism and Platonism, though even these are dependent on precursor
influences. And yet, an increasing number of such movements are
starting to be questioned. Did their traditional founders
actually exist, or were they later developments symbolizing
imperfectly perceived origins? Did Lao-tze live? Did Confucius?
Zoroaster?
Such questions, such doubts, have been seriously raised. In the ancient
world, Orphism was regarded as having begun with Orpheus; the Jewish
race and nation with Abraham, its Yahwehan Covenent with Moses. The
great panoply of Mycenean kings and heroes immortalized in myth and
poeticized in Homer were regarded for centuries as historical. Few
dispassionate historians today accept any of them. And when we get to
Christianity, with its topsy-turvy documentary record clearly lacking
the presentation of an historical founder in its early phase, one who
only gradually emerges into the light in second century documents, we
are entitled to place Christianity in that majority category: movements
which coalesce out of broad and diverse backgrounds, eventually
recasting their history in terms of specific founders, specific events
and points of origin, losing sight and understanding of their true
beginnings.
The principle of Occam's Razor states that assumptions introduced to
explain something must not be multiplied beyond necessity. But when the
evidence itself embodies and necessitates complexity, the razor is
blunted. Complexity, in fact, becomes simplicity—as long as it is understandable and fits the evidence best.
Even 5000-piece jigsaw puzzles can be put together to form a coherent
picture. William of Occam needed to work a bit more in the field of
history
and come up with a more multi-faceted cutting implement.
Jason writes:
I have
read quite a bit of your website and wanted to ask you about your
agenda. Don't think I'm a Fundamentalist Christian who is trying to
state that your agenda is to lead people to hell or anything crazy like
that. But when reading your site I get an overall view that you are
trying to discredit Christianity to convert people to a new religion.
Much of the positive feedback listed has a religious feel. People are
liberated and given hope by your writing. I don't see the difference
between the belief of a better future through the works of some god or
God and the belief that our salvation lies with us. If you accept a
non-spiritual world then there is no need for salvation. What happens
to mankind matters little. There is no salvation, just existence. I can
accept this and don't see a need to add some mythic future.
Response to Jason:
Is the Jesus Puzzle salvation in a new religion?
Despite a certain amount of
perceptiveness, Jason's remarks are quite misguided. I am reminded of
the common accusation of religionists against science, that it is a
"new religion." Or that atheism is a religion. Or one I get frequently,
that rejection of an historical Jesus is "a reverse fundamentalism."
Not only are all these accusations absurd, they are an adulteration of
language.
How are we to define a "religion"? The standard definition states
(according to the Webster's College Dictionary): "a set of beliefs
concerning the cause, nature and purpose of the universe, especially
when considered as the creation of a superhuman agency or agencies,
usually involving devotional and ritual observances, and often
containing a moral code for the conduct of human affairs." Most
religions contain more than that, of course, usually a host of
superstitions, harmful dogmas and out-of-date morality. But the essence
of a religion involves belief in the supernatural and an expectation of
a life after death as the personal identity one possessed on earth, a
fate supposedly determined by one's behavior in life.
Science, on the other hand, contains none of these things, nor does it
in principle advocate any of them. Science is not "a set of beliefs."
It is a body of conclusions based on evidence and the application of
deductive reasoning. Some of those conclusions may be incomplete, or
even wrong, but they are not dogmas; they are open to revision at any
time and indeed invite
revision, since knowledge can only advance through gaining new evidence
and revising our conclusions accordingly. (Individual scientists may
not always be faithful to such principles, and have been known to
resist change and new ideas, but human beings in any field can be
guilty of certain failings.)
It certainly can be said that science and scientists in general hold
strongly to
these principles, but this does not make the discipline a religion.
Otherwise,
anything that we put a committed investment in could be labeled a
religion. A sport, our jobs, altruistic philanthropy, collecting
stamps. We are devoted to our children, but this is hardly the same as
being "devoted" to God. We may ritualistically apply ourselves to
performing our work, but this is not the same as taking part in
rituals like baptism and church worship. We trust that the sun will
rise tomorrow—indeed, it is virtually a dogma—but it is founded on empirical evidence and long
experience,
and we understand it on the basis of our observation of the solar
system's
mechanics; if reliance is placed on methods that produce the same
results everywhere, results that are verifiable and amendable, it is
not the same as trusting that a God exists or relying on going to
heaven after death. Atheists do not construct their
lives and expectations around a belief in the supernatural, something
for which science has never produced an iota of evidence. To label any
of these characteristics religious may be metaphorical (and
dictionaries reflect that), but it's wholly misleading to apply the
term "religion" to such philosophies or pursuits. Of course, doing so
is a defensive measure, seeking to tar one's critics with the same
brush they are using on you.
Jason suggests that reactions to my writings are religious because they
liberate and give hope. Are medical researchers being religious when
they cure a disease or learn how to prolong life? Is the United Nations
a religious organization when it helps engineer environmental
improvements to areas of the world? Was the liberation of Nazi-occupied
Europe a "religious" undertaking? (Ironically, the "liberation" of Iraq
could well have been impelled in the minds of those directing it by
certain religious considerations.) To liberate and give hope should be
one of the highest goals of human society, and hardly needs—or ought—to
be tied to belief in a God or the supernatural. Science has liberated
us from many fears and superstitions: from belief in demons as the
cause of sickness and accidents, from terror at natural events due to
our ignorance of nature's workings, from erroneous ideas of how we came
into being and what it constitutes to be human. It would liberate us
from a lot of other things if we were willing or able to remove the
prejudices and misinformation that religion has long subjected us to.
But Jason is surely at his most misguided when he says, "I don't see
the difference between the belief of a better future through the works
of some god or God and the belief that our salvation lies with us." The
former is passive, the latter is active. The former renders us
powerless, the latter gives us power. One requires belief in the
unprovable and often nonsensical, the other seeks and builds on what
can be known and predicted; a reliance on fantasy vs. a focusing on
reality. One is laden with fear, guilt, and
obsessive self-recrimination, the other is positive, pride-inducing,
self-enhancing. One extrapolates all that is
good and positive in us onto an external entity, the other finds and
develops
such things within ourselves. One sits on the quicksand of perceived
revelation, the other rests on the more solid ground of objective and
verifiable investigation. A better future is surely to be achieved when
we embrace this life and world as all we have, rather than invest our
beliefs and energies in an unknowable dimension and a pie-in-the-sky
afterlife.
Jason says, "If you accept a non-spiritual world then there is no need
for salvation." But this has always been humanity's problem, from the
time when our intelligence was forced to come to grips with the perils
and uncertainties of the world and bodies we inhabit. And it has been
our biggest mistake. We need to abandon the idea of "salvation" from
our natural habitat. Rather, we need to better understand and improve
it. Religion has never given us anything which would help in that
accomplishment; in fact, it has been one great impediment, one giant
cop-out. It misinterprets and denigrates
the world and bodies we live in, turning to a fantasy of another
world and another existence beyond this one, achievable through the
whim or grace of a Deity. The baggage it has heaped on us as the means
of accomplishing that imagined end has hampered our progress and
stunted our wisdom and burdened our spirits. We need a new concept of
salvation, one we can achieve on our own within the universe we are a
part of. Neither science nor atheism advocates "just existence." What
happens to mankind is of the utmost importance, because it matters to us. And we have yet to plumb the
depths and reach the limits of what it is to be us. Whatever we become, whatever
we achieve, it is our own responsibility.
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