THE JESUS PUZZLE
Was There No Historical Jesus?
Earl Doherty
Reader Feedback and Author’s Response
Set 24: November 2004
As in the previous
Reader Feedback (Set 23) I am once again
prefacing the regular Queries and Responses
on the Jesus question with an expanded section in which, along with the
usual quoting of general remarks about the website, I discuss comments
being made to me in regard to Religion and Rationality. Replies to
queries
concerning the historical Jesus
question will continue to follow the usual format, and are listed by
name and subject heading on the Index page, while the R & R
comments will be without headings and not listed in the Index.
Because of this increase in concern over issues of religion and
rationality, and the disturbing trends visible in North American
society today (especially following the re-election of George W. Bush),
I am revamping the Age Of Reason website to provide more
up-to-date comment on such issues, and to reproduce articles and
reports from other sites and publications on a wide range of topics.
Please visit: AgeOfReason.htm (URL http://jesuspuzzle.com/ageofreason/index.htm).
*
Martin writes:
Your books, The Jesus Puzzle
and Challenging
the Verdict, contain the most compelling logical arguments
for any position I've ever
encountered! They are, in my opinion, great jewels of probity and
intellectual honesty.
Emil writes:
Let me begin my telling you how much I enjoyed your
book [The Jesus Puzzle]. It
was an epiphany. I was brought up a catholic, attending catholic
schools during my early education. However, as my training as a
scientist proceeded, it became clear that there was a great difference
between religious knowledge (blind) and scientific knowledge (logic
based). So I came to lose my belief in Jesus as god but still thought
christianity was based on a real person. But the thought that an
insignificant peasant from a remote area of the Roman empire had such
an impact, so quickly, on mankind was difficult to comprehend.
Now all is clear. Your brilliant analysis of the
evidence is compelling and overwhelming to anyone with an open mind. By
the way, although the vast majority of the scientists I have known
throughout my career were non-believers in religion (probably following
my reasoning), there were a handful who managed to devote a part of
their minds to blind belief. When I tried reasoning with one of them,
his response was that logical thinking was a ruse of Satan. How can you
argue with someone who believes that logical thinking is demonic?
E.D.: Indoctrination,
and the fear that is inculcated with it, are powerful forces, often
enough to override the mind's ability to apply rational standards. At
the same time, I sometimes wonder whether some minds have a greater
propensity to be influenced by indoctrination and fear than do others,
somewhat akin to having a gene for addiction in other areas. A study of
this question would be most interesting. The growing number of those
who are able to shake off their religious indoctrination, or never to
adopt
one later in life, is hopefully an indicator that our society is,
shall we say, 'mutating' out of its traditional orientation toward
belief in the supernatural, although when we look around us today it's
easy to get discouraged at how far we still have to go.
Steven writes:
I
thought I would take this opportunity to thank you for your two
fascinating books on the origins of Christianity. After I watched a
rerun last year of the PBS documentary on the origins of Christianity I
became interested in doing additional research. I read Crossan and
Fredriksen's books. Clearly, Crossan is trying to construct a
historical Jesus who could be a hero in the present day. Fredriksen, on
the other hand, seemed much less anachronistic. Then I read Spong, who
introduced me to a mythicist viewpoint, although in the end he felt
compelled to dig a historical Jesus out of the mythical dust.
Then I bought a copy of The Jesus Puzzle, and it blew my
socks off. Your books quickly led me to conclude that even Fredriksen's
scholarly work is outdated. Perhaps in academia there are financial
incentives not to cross certain lines.
E.D.: It is not so much a question of financial
incentives. Quite apart from any confessional interests that might be
operating, someone who has worked in the field and made a career of
studying and writing about an historical figure would find it extremely
difficult to do an about-face of this magnitude, and the peer pressure
to toe the basic party line would be considerable. Also, I believe that
few mainstream scholars, even the most progressive ones, have allowed
themselves to consider the possibility of non-existence for Jesus, and
consequently have little depth of understanding of the mythicist
position. Paula Fredriksen herself has demonstrated this, as my article
responding to her comments on one of my site articles shows. (See ChallengingDoherty.htm)
J.D. writes:
I'm a
big fan of your work, and after finding your site a few months ago have
been a regular reader. I was once a bible-belt fundamentalist
Christian, but over the course of the last few years have become a
staunch atheist. In my home town (though it is, thankfully, not my
current place of residence) this causes quite a stir, especially when
my family is involved. As a result of my decision, I've met much
criticism--though that's a bit of an understatement.
I've decided--in order to assist those that believe as I
do, to
counter those who question the rationality behind my decision, and to,
perhaps, give Christians some food for thought (I'd even go so far to
say I hope I can persuade a few people to my side of the fence)--to
write a book on the subject.
E.D.: Not only are more people
abandoning their religious indoctrination, many of them feel a need to
help others do the same, an encouraging development. Perhaps one
reason for this is that the style of religious belief (especially
Christian, within North American society) has moved much more
toward the fundamentalist and evangelical expressions than in previous
generations, when the older established churches had a more sedate,
less aggressive, following and a style of belief that did less violence
to modern scientific and social enlightenment. It was probably less
damaging to the believer's intellect and his or her rational and
psychological functioning, and it placed less impediments in the way of
progress. Today, not only has the evangelical brand of faith come to
place greater strains on personal integrity, it has become much more
activist, seeking to impose its reactionary views on society as a
whole, in the areas of education, human rights and much else.
Consequently, those of us who recognize the perils involved feel
motivated to try to do something about it. There is just too much at
stake.
Mary writes:
Thank
you for your fantastic book [The
Jesus Puzzle]. The extent of your scholarship is
unbelievable. I've been a religious skeptic all my life but really only
recently renewed my interest, discovered the mythical Christ and your
amazing book to boot.
You speak hopefully about the reinterpreted scriptures
entering the public consciousness but there is no way the
fundamentalists can be reasoned with. Evangelical churches are strong
and growing. Even if the liberal churches can finally tear down the
crumbling structures and prepare to rebuild on firmer foundations, I
fear the mindset of fundamentalists is fixed. Thus the divide between
reason and irrationality will widen.
Your ideas create as much as they demolish. They are
liberating and present incredible hope for the world. Just imagine if
the Pope recanted! Could Islam be rattled being so derivative of both
Judaism and Christianity (although not as tortured in its scriptural
basis)?
I've started on your website. How can you possibly answer
all those e-mails? When do you sleep? I hope you're reaping some
financial benefits from all of this. Ironically, it may be said, your
immortality is assured. This, to my mind is the most significant book
of the 21st century.
E.D.: Mary's praise may be a bit hyperbolic, but
enthusiasm is a common reaction when entrenched ideas that have sat ill
with the world in so many ways, and for so long, are demonstrated to be
unfounded and no longer tenable. A sense of freedom and exhilaration is
a response I encounter regularly (and I am by no means the only one
responsible for making that possible, as there are others working
effectively in this field as well). Unfortunately, her comments on the
fundamentalist mentality are pretty well on the mark, and it is
important that
we do not allow this segment of society to impose its primitive views
on everyone, and certainly not by default due to a reluctance (or fear)
by society's more rational segments to speak out. As for the Pope
recanting, well, regardless of whatever personal doubts he might come
to feel (though I'm quite sure he doesn't peruse the Jesus Puzzle
website
by night), the Vatican establishment behind him would never allow such
doubts to be expressed.
Roz
writes:
My
Christian parents had opted out of their religions when I appeared on
the scene. Consequently I skipped a Christian upbringing. I've lived in
an agnostic fog for years, unable to swallow the literal biblical
interpretations and unable to voice clearly why. [I was] led to your
web page and am so relieved to find my intuition expressed so clearly.
I can't wait to explore this topic more fully and I'm sure I will visit
often. I will also be looking for your books.
Jesse writes:
Thanks
for
making your website available. Prior to encountering your site I found
biblical scholarship and criticism to be over my head. I could be
swayed this way and that by experts who know more than me, experts with
agendas. Your writing, especially your discussion of the silence of the
New Testament (outside the Gospels) concerning the life, deeds and
sayings of Jesus while he walked on this earth was truly a revelation
to me. I was blind, but now I see. So obvious! Those statements that
seemed to make oblique references to things like his crucifiction [sic] threw me off the trail.
So many Jesus scholars say he was a mortal man first, and
then later
he became immortalized. It now appears that the Logos preceded the
creation of the historical Jesus. The word became flesh and dwelt among
us. This changed perspective is so much more useful than trying to
follow the movements of a mystery man underestimated by his critics.
Maybe the author of John was writing to an audience that would
understand that these were fables with morals.
Well, it will take time to sort this out. But the new
perspective turns the whole world upside down.
E.D.:
A nice 'take' on the Gospel of John's author and his outlook.
Would that the early evangelists could be seen simply as creators of
allegorical fables for their communities' enlightenment, with no
delusions of their own, even if they were responsible for the vast
delusions that came after them. However, I don't think it's quite that
easy.
Nellie writes:
I see
by the reviews that you have stepped on the toes of the deluded! Hmmmm!
Nikki writes:
Just
wanted to say, THANK-YOU for your site! It's amazing what happens when
people stop and THINK for themselves! Your site is an eye-opener and
also a light in a dark place. May Yahweh bless your work.
E.D.: Hmmm....Obviously, Nikki
is not giving
us the whole picture.
Noel writes:
I've recently discovered your website and have enjoyed it thoroughly.
To find so much information on many of the questions that I have been
struggling with for so many years is refreshing to say the least. I was
brought up in a staunch Anglican home and was always told to never
question God's word etc but somehow my natural curiosity was never
satisfied. Since then I've drifted away from the Anglican church and
have been to a few charasmatic churches to see whether or not I would
fit in but unfortunately I've found that they are just as unwilling to
answer difficult questions about inconsistencies in the bible and God
in general. My wife suffers from the fear of God whenever any of these
subjects are brought up at home and feels that we should be giving our
young daughter a good Christian upbringing so as to prepare her for
this cruel world, so you can imagine the lively debate that takes place
when we do talk about such things.
I was wondering if
you could shed some light on the following information for me? I've
recently been roped into doing the Alpha course (by Nicky
Gumbel) with my wife, I agreed to go along in the hope that
I could point out some glaring inconsistencies to my fellow
attendees and get some real debate going. Now as far as I can see
the whole course has to base itself on the fact that the Bible is
the unerring word of God in order for the rest of the reading material
to be considered true and that it hasn't been altered in all these
years. The first bit of evidence they present is with regards to
the fact that Jesus did exist and these sources include: Tacitus and
Suetonius the roman historians as well as Josephus the jewish
historian. The next thing they say is that the Bible
must be true because there are so many references which can be traced
to
the Bible from the following works Herodotus, Thucydides, Tacitus,
Ceasars Gallic war, Livy's Roman history and of course the New
Testament itself. Now not being a historian myself they could say what
ever they wanted and I wouldn't be able to prove a thing. I was
wondering if you had an opinion on the above.
E.D.: If
you have read my site, you will know that Josephus, Tacitus and
Suetonius are very unreliable as a witness to an actual historical
Jesus. Josephus' main reference is a Christian insertion as it stands,
and no reliable authentic residue can be extracted from it; similar
reliability problems exist in regard to his second reference to Jesus.
Suetonius'
reference is so ambiguous that it may not be
referring to a human figure at all (strife 'caused by Chrestus' could
be anything from some man named Chrestus, a common name, to the—mythical—object
of worship of the group involved), and Tacitus's passage, if authentic
(there are actually some reasons to doubt it), could simply be
repeating Christian hearsay of the time which Tacitus picked up in Rome
or in Asia Minor a few years earlier when he was administrator there.
(Even the odd Christian scholar, such as Norman Perrin, thinks this is
more than likely.)
As for those other historians' "references
that can be traced to the
Bible", I would have to know what specifically this refers to. It was
fashionable for
Christian writers in the ancient world to claim that even Plato got his
ideas from Moses by reading the Hebrew bible (in Hebrew, I guess, since
the Greek Septuagint did not yet exist in Plato's time!) Herodotus
was a Mediterranean traveller and reported on all sorts of traditions
in the lands he visited, so it would not be surprising if he mentioned
some Hebrew ones (I don't offhand recall). But Thucydides? Though it's
been many years since I read him, I don't remember anything like that,
and I don't see
what any of this would prove, especially about the bible
being "true".
Perhaps they also
mention the Roman poet Virgil, who in his
Eclogue IV, 4, makes a kind of "messianic" prophecy reflecting a
supposed tradition about a coming golden age, a "new generation is
descending from heaven". Bible enthusiasts have often seized on this as
reflecting an 'instinct' about the coming of Christ even in the pagan
mind. But not only is this a political statement by Virgil relating to
Caesar Augustus, the first emperor, who had recently come
to power and seemed to promise such things for the Roman
state and the world as a whole, it reflects a common type of theme
throughout the ancient world about a coming great king, etc. who will
bring
about a new era, etc. The Jewish messianic tradition was partly a
reflection of that general tendency.
I only wish that your wife
(and others like her) could realize
that "fear" is religion's greatest tool to its own
survival, and that as part of the process of indoctrination
which religions almost universally entail, the fear of doubt,
of questioning, of loosening the dogma, is what keeps most
believers in obedience and willing to repress their own rational
faculties. It is encouraged and perpetuated by religion's
directors (from priests to popes) to maintain their own positions,
since if we are not allowed to question for ourselves, we tend to
go to them for guidance and assurance that all problems are explainable
and that we need not worry, or indeed even think about such
things. There is no greater power we can exercise over others than
the power over the mind. The doctrine of Hell has been
particularly useful in that regard for centuries. I recall a harrowing
sermon on hell by a white-robed Franciscan monk at our
church when I
was ten years old, but more than the horrific descriptions he gave
(all of
them insults to any idea of a loving and merciful God), there sticks in
my memory the faces of my father beside me and other men around me:
looks of rapt fear and submission, and I realized several years later
when I became a non-believer what power these priests wielded over us
(power we have given them for no other reason than indoctrination), and
what fear could do to imprison our minds. One of the things that struck
me about the whole thing was how offensive it is that our
minds have been so assaulted and crippled by such men and
ideas, often for life. It is unfortunate that so many people
simply cannot find the means or ability to break those bonds. To give
your child the Christian upbringing your wife advocates would
condemn her to a life of fear and repression. Ironically, much of the
"cruelty" of the world she wants to guard against relates to what
religion itself does to us, or to others that we have to coexist
with, whether in our own neighborhoods or on this planet as a
whole.
Jeff writes:
It can only be said that greater minds than yours
have tried to
destroy God's Word for over 2,000 years and it stands true today in
spite of their and your best efforts. I grieve for your soul.
E.D.: What we need more of is "grieving for the
mind".
Clay writes:
I want to let you know that I am really enjoying
reading your work.
I am also very interested in the notion of putting together information
that explores the true history of biblical religious thought over the
eons. There is so much misinformation about Christianity pushed onto
the general public, and virtually nothing that tells the story of its
origins. I assume you are in contact with other critical explorers of
the religious texts. Do you think it is possible there might be
interest in trying to put together a television documentary about this?
E.D.: I
have no doubt there exists a lot of interest in doing such a thing.
Unfortunately, two general impediments tend to stand in the way: the
difficulty of raising money for such a production, and the
unwillingness of major networks to air radical material that would
offend their vast religious viewership. If you watch any of the
standard documentaries aired by PBS or A&E on biblical studies, you
will recognize how carefully they tread when allowing a voice even to
the idea of doubt on the part of liberal scholarship about orthodox
viewpoints. On the other hand, fraudulent specials about things like
the discovery of Noah's Ark are regularly and shamelessly offered to a
gullible public.
Willem writes:
I agree with everything you say. But you
offer no hope that our existence has a meaning. Against our better
judgement we believe anything as long as it gives us a glimmer of hope.
We don't want the truth, we want hope. Besides that, religion sometimes
convinces us to do the right thing. Hitler was a man without religion
and that led to terrible things.
E.D.: There is a wealth of potential for comment on this
brief message, but I will keep it short. Of course, Willem has neatly
summed up the reason why religion is so successful, and at the same
time why it is so deleterious. It boils down to wishful thinking, and
whether one chooses to live one's life according to fantasy or reality.
If a belief in a supernatural divinity and a personal afterlife is a
misguided fantasy, then the consequences of how we regard the present
world can only be negative. The theist would like to claim otherwise,
but history and even our present-day experience, proves the
claim wrong. If religion "sometimes" convinces us to do the right
thing, it has more often led us to do the wrong thing. How we have
arrived at that distinction is by the exercise of our own intellects
and moral wisdom. If we possess these latter faculties, we don't need
divine directives to guide us, especially ones that are encased in
petrified writings that are often primitive, contradictory, and
counterproductive to social and intellectual progress.
As for the timeworn accusations about Hitler
(with Stalin usually included as well, as dual examples of the
consequences of 20th century 'atheism'), it is by no means agreed that
Hitler was an atheist, or that atheism was the cause of his or Stalin's
reprehensible deeds. Communism and fascism were political ideologies,
and their crimes were committed in the name of political and
nationalist ideals, not in the name of atheism. Since history and
present-day experience more than amply demonstrate that even religion
is no impediment to criminal inhumanity, the standard argument using
the likes of Hitler and Stalin is hardly compelling. Moreover, the
crimes committed by religions (and Christianity's history is full of
them) are done in the name of religion,
which is an important distinction usually overlooked.
But now on to more technical matters....
Doug writes:
Thank
you for your great site and your fascinating books! I've always had a
question concerning the New Testament usage of "Lord" (Greek "Kurios")
and if the appellation for Jesus as Lord was meant by the writers to
refer to the same Kurios/Yahweh in the Septuagint, meaning they thought
Jesus was God? Am I right that the Septuagint refers to Jewish kings
like David and Solomon as "kurios?" as well, and that it doesn't
exclusively mean God?
What would be the connection between James 5:4, referring
to the "Lord of Sabaoth" and then following it James 5:7, "The coming
of the Lord" which apparently (???) refers now to Jesus. Does this mean
that whoever wrote this epistle believed that they were one and the
same "Lord"?
Response to Doug:
Does Jesus as "Lord" mean he is "God"? / James'
"Lord"
Questions like these go to the
heart of the mythicist case. First of all, we often find in some of the
earliest Christian documents, such as the epistle of James, that a
confusion is created (in our minds, not necessarily in theirs) as to
who is being referred to by terms like "Lord". When the term is applied
to both figures, Father and Son, there is a kind of melding of their
identities, and many early writers seem never to present Jesus as a
strong, independent figure, clearly distinct from God. Often God and
Jesus are spoken of in the same breath, like two sides of a single coin
(e.g., Jude 4). Both are viewed as divine, heavenly beings. Things are
done by God through Jesus, rather than spoken of as done directly by
Jesus himself. Frequently it is God who saves; he is the one who bears
the title "Savior," a title we would automatically think of as reserved
for Jesus. (Scholars call this a "fluid application"!) In discussing
certain passages in the epistles, they regularly disagree over who is
meant by a given reference. Is it Jesus or God? The functions of Father
and Son do not seem to be clearly separated yet. There even seem to be
passages where God is said to
have suffered; this idea proved a source of horror to later 2nd century
Christians and was declared heretical.
Hans-Joachim Schoeps (The Theology of
the Apostle Paul) has pointed out that Paul, in using the title
"kurios" applies it to Jesus in exactly the way he would to God, as the
Old Testament uses it of God in the Greek Septuagint. Schoeps
concludes, with a touch of well-merited astonishment, that Paul thus
brings Jesus "at the very least into close proximity with God." James
Dunn (The Parting of the Ways,
p.188f), in discussing the same point, expresses the same reaction even
more strongly. He notes that Paul shows not the slightest discomfort in
applying to Jesus passages from the Hebrew scriptures which originally
referred to God, such as Joel 2:32: "Everyone who calls upon the name
of the Lord will be saved." This Paul quotes in Romans 10:13 with
direct application to Jesus. The hymn in Philippians 2:6-11 is a clear
echo, Dunn says, of Isaiah 45:23 which is "one of the strongest
assertions of Jewish monotheism in the whole of the scriptures." He
goes on to declare: "That a Jew should use such a text of a man who
recently lived in Palestine is truly astonishing."
But it would be astonishing only if this is what Paul is doing. The
fact that Paul never gives us any indication that he is equating his
divine Lord and Son of God with "a man who had recently lived in
Palestine" seems to have escaped scholars like Dunn. There is no
indication in any of the first century epistles that the early
Christian preaching movement has elevated a crucified criminal of
recent memory to the status of Godhood, full identification with the
ancient God of Abraham. This would have been the ultimate outrageous
blasphemy. (Paul's comment in 1 Corinthians 1:23 that the cross of
Christ is a "scandal" refers to the idea that his—divine—Christ was
crucified, not that a man had been turned into God, a point which is
never addressed anywhere.)
A scholar like F. F. Bruce can face the unthinkable seemingly without
blinking: "What moved them to do so [apply "Lord" in its fullest sense
to Jesus] was the impact which Jesus himself made on their lives—an
impact so unparalleled that it made men who had been brought up as
faithful monotheistic Jews give Jesus, inevitably and spontaneously,
the glory which belonged to the one God." (Promise and Fulfilment, p.49f)
Yet Bruce has shown the inadequacy of the only rationalization
available for it. No impact which a human Jesus could have made on
their lives would be sufficient reason to overcome the Jewish
monotheistic mindset, would ever have led to their declaration of him
as God and Lord, pre-existent, agent of creation, atoner and redeemer,
conqueror of the supernatural powers, ruler and sustainer of the
universe. No man could produce such a reaction (nor ever has). Nothing
in Jewish philosophical tradition could have prepared them for it. Even
Philo has severely restricted his picture of Moses as a vehicle for the
Logos and has made Moses in no way divine. Indeed, to deify a recent
man to such a cosmic level as Jesus was supposed to have been
immediately raised was without precedent anywhere, in Jewish or pagan
religious philosophy. (This cosmic elevation in the early record belies
the common scholarly claim that Jesus of Nazareth was only gradually
deified, culminating in the Church Councils: it turns a blind eye, or
deliberately tries to obscure, the picture of Jesus presented in
virtually all the earliest documents.)
It might be said (and I've been among those who have said it) that
Pauline Christianity was as much a gentile-inspired movement as a
Jewish one, and thus would be less resistant to the elevation of a man
to divine status. Yet this potentially more fertile ground of
acceptance is entirely ignored in the picture created by the early
epistles addressed to diaspora and largely gentile audiences, in that
the role of Jesus as a recent human figure is simply
not introduced, even where it would have been advantageous. And while
early Christianity had a strong gentile element, it was still wedded to
the Jewish heritage, if only by adoption; even the Gospels show that
many early Christian communities had ties to the synagogue. Scholars
have identified the split that occurred in the latter milieu as "the
parting of the ways," something that began to take place toward the end
of the first century, after which Christian sects could no longer be
closely associated with the synagogue and were expelled. What led
to this split? Why did Jews and gentiles apparently co-exist in the new
movement for several decades in many parts of the Christian world, and
then have a fatal and permanent falling out? The mythicist scenario has
a simple answer: it happened when the spiritual Christ began to evolve
into a Jesus who was seen as an actual man. Once Jesus of Nazareth
emerged, the Jewish Christians could not go along, and further
conversion of Jews to Christianity came to a halt. (Certain
Jewish-Christian expressions survived for some time, but only by
refusing to recognize the new Jesus figure as divine, which is a
characteristic of so-called Jewish-Christian sects which continued into
the third century.)
Out of this rejection of the new Jesus by the Jews came the
anti-semitic trend in Christian tradition, an expression of the
gentile mind which failed to comprehend the impossibility of general
Jewish acceptance of their Jesus of Nazareth as Son of God. Pre-Gospel
Christian thought, it is true, had been flirting with a compromise to
strict monotheism (dangerously, as it turned out) in its introduction
of a distinct 'Son' entity, especially one that had been sacrificed,
but the hostility of
the Jewish establishment toward the new sect and the persecution it
suffered was mild in those first few decades. Traditions about such
early persecution, about Paul's personal activities against the new
movement prior to his conversion, have been to a great extent
discredited as later exaggeration—even
on the part of Paul himself.
(See, for example, Douglas Hare, Jewish
Persecution of Christians in Matthew.) The reason for this mild
response in the early period, and why Christians in many areas could be
a part of the synagogue, was because the new sect had not stepped over
such an outrageous barrier. No human figure, recent or otherwise, had
yet been introduced.
The kind of blasphemous elevation Jesus is claimed to have undergone
immediately after his death would have resulted in the most severe
persecution imaginable. If Jesus himself had gone around Galilee or
Judea even hinting at the kind of doctrine about himself contained in
the Gospels, especially John, he would likely have been 'lynched' on
sight, without benefit of trial. And certainly no Jews, simple or
otherwise, would have listened long enough to give themselves a chance
to believe it. If he did not, it is incredible that anyone after his
death would on their own have come up with such sacrilegious ideas
concerning a crucified preacher, and even less likely that if they did,
their fellow Jews would not immediately have lynched them.
The other fallacy involved in Bruce's comment is his explanation that
it was "the impact which Jesus made on their lives" which prompted this
blasphemous elevation of him. Some impact. A dozen Christian writers
for three generations could completely ignore every aspect of his life
and ministry as of no interest to them. His new teachings made such an
impact that Christians could supposedly refer to them right and left
without giving him the slightest attribution. His miracles made such an
impact that not a whisper of them emerges for almost a hundred years.
Such an impact did the life and deeds of this humble Jewish preacher
make that he was immediately turned into a cosmic figure which bore no
resemblance to the way the Gospels portray the man as presenting
himself. He was immediately smothered to the point of total eclipse by
a monumental theological construct which borrowed from every
philosophical idea of the day. And all of it without a hint of defence
or justification, without a glance back to the man himself.
The free distribution of divine titles, the blurring of roles and
personality between Jesus and God which even scholars remark on, is
understandable once one accepts that Jesus is not a distinct historical
person whom people had experienced and remembered, but a theoretical
spiritual entity, something one has derived from scripture under the
influence of ideas current in religious philosophy. He is an emanation
of God, an intermediary force, part of the workings of Divinity, all of
it located in the supernatural realm. This manifestation of God is in
the process of being defined, being clarified in the minds of writers
like Paul. Once we get to the era of the Gospels, which, with the help
of the Q-community traditions, have turned this vague intermediary
Christ-force into an historical man, Christian writers have an earthly
flesh and blood Jesus before their eyes, and they no longer have a
problem in referring to him in a very distinct manner.
Doug's query about the two contiguous uses of the term "Lord" in James
5 is a good illustration of the confusion present in the minds of
interpreters. In fact, both usages would seem to refer to God the
Father, the first one certainly so, the second almost as certainly, as
the context (looking back to 5:4) suggests a continuity of thought
about who the writer is talking about. (This expectation of the arrival
of God himself at the end-time, rather than of Jesus, is found in
various early Christian documents, such as 1 John and the Didache, and
indicates that the idea of a Parousia of Christ was by no means
universal within the movement.) The sole clear instance of a mention of
Christ in James is 2:1, and it is a passing one: "My brothers, as
believers in our glorious Lord Jesus Christ, don't show favoritism..."
Not only is this a good example of the free use of a divine title for
Christ, with no self-consciousness, indicating that he is part of a
shared divinity with God, he is presented simply as an entity one
believes in, with no hint of an earthly life and death. The epistle of
James is a notorious example of an early Christian writing that offers
all sorts of moral advice resembling that of Jesus in the Gospels
without ever attributing it to him. As well, there seems to be no
thought of a redeeming death and resurrection, for in 1:21 the writer
urges the reader to "accept the message implanted (in you) which can
bring you salvation." It is the acceptance of an ethical teaching which
"saves your souls," not Jesus' atoning sacrifice or rising from the
grave.
The word "Lord", of course, was also used in more mundane settings,
applied deferentially to important figures, including David, as Doug
suggests. But the context in which early writings like James applies
the term to Jesus clearly excludes placing him in this reduced category.
R.C. writes:
You propose an interesting interpretation of
the Jesus phenomenon of the first century. I think there is a lot of
merit to it. I know that some propose that the gospel-esque Last Supper
passage in 1 Corinthians 11 is a later interpolation, possibly by
historicizers or possibly by people who pictured the scene as occurring
in the world of myth rather than history. But if it's myth (whether
originally a part of the epistle or not), I am curious who or what you
think Jesus in this story was "handed over" to. Were demons walking
around in this mythical world that Jesus could be handed over to? Were
they "heavenly spherical" Romans or Jews (their counterparts in this
world of myth)?
In this passage Jesus is eating bread and drinking
wine, he has disciples and there is day and night. I find it difficult
to reconcile this with a Jesus who is entirely a spirit figure living
in the heavenly spheres where there would be no wine, no disciples or
day or night. A second question I have is that if it is myth, then is
it taking place in the upper heavenly spheres or is it taking place on
earth in some sort of distant, idealized past when the "gods walked the
earth" and so forth.
Response to R.C.:
Envisioning the Mythical World of the Savior Gods
Envisioning the workings of the upper
spiritual world of myth seems to present a stumbling-block for many
people who might otherwise embrace the mythicist case more readily.
Part of the reason is that they tend to take things too literally, in a
graphic detail that often strikes the 21st century mind as ludicrous.
If the Son in relation to "the flesh" was of the seed of David (as Paul
states in Romans 1:3), they imply that one must therefore envision a
"heavenly David" walking around in some upper kingdom, copulating on a
heavenly bear-skin blanket with a heavenly wife, who in turn gives
birth to a heavenly tiny perfect Son, no doubt breast-feeding and
raising him through the rigors of spirit-realm childhood. Now,
mythology in the ancient world could be pretty graphic, and every
ancient religion had detailed myths about the activities of their gods
and goddesses. But how literally were they perceived? The philosophers
(like Plutarch) tell us that we should not view such things literally,
but only as allegories for deeper truths. When the savior-god Attis,
consort of the Great Mother, had a myth of self-castration attached to
him by those who sought an explanation for the practice of castration
by devotees of the goddess, it served the purpose of elucidating
features of faith and practice among the initiates. But should we think
that such a graphic myth could only be taken literally, or that it
ought to have presented a stumbling-block to members of the Attis cult?
Well, we can assume that it didn't,
and while a few philosophers (such as Sallustius in the 4th century)
declared it was all symbolic, it's hard to know how literally some of
the initiates-in-the-street may have taken such myths. But it really
doesn't matter. We know that such myths existed and were an essential
part of the various savior-god religions. We make the mistake of
bringing our modern sensibilities to the very similar Christian myths
and pronouncing them ridiculous as anything but supposed historical
fact. But if we have the example of the religious myths of the time
before us, and if we can accept that they were not placed in specific
history yet were given meaning in one way or another, we have no reason
to reject those of early Christianity as being impossible to accept on
the same level, regardless of questions of literalism.
Observers like R.C. suggest that the
mystery cult myths could be placed in the "idealized past" on earth,
often called
a "primordial time" in or before history, implying that this is more
acceptable and constitutes a key distinction from the upper-world
picture in which mythicists like myself want to cast a scene such as
the Lord's Supper of 1 Corinthians 11:23. But this is really a false
distinction. In mythology more ancient than the period of Christianity,
primordial time was the usual setting in which these stories were set,
yet it was a time and place 'outside' of normal history. Platonism
merely transferred that external setting to the upper part of a
dualistic universe, retaining much of the same character for the myths
involved. The two types of thinking are simply reflective of the
current philosophies, and as I have shown in some detail in Appendix 6
of my book, The Jesus Puzzle,
the evidence in both Christian and non-Christian myth of the period
around the first century clearly suggests that the standard placement
was in a parallel upper spirit world rather than in a distant-past
primordial
time.
Thus R.C. is trying to be
unnecessarily specific in asking whether Jesus was "handed over" to
heavenly Romans or Jews (whether spherically shaped or otherwise). In
fact, Paul in Romans 8:32, says that God himself was the one who
"delivered up" Jesus for sacrifice, using the same verb found in 1
Corinthians 11:23. To whom was God doing the handing over, where was he
standing at the time? Obviously, literalism is not the issue here.
Similarly, in Paul's Lord's Supper passage, we do not have to postulate
a detailed dinner table scene in which we could count the spiritual
cups, no more than we need to similarly detail the scene of Mithras
dining with the Sun god and signing a pact with him, such as we find in
the sacred meal mythology of the Mithraic cult, or ask what the alloy
was of the heavenly knife used by Attis to castrate himself. Did the
average ancient mind even make a distinction between the nature of
material reality and of spiritual reality? All it knew was that they
were two related branches of reality, the spiritual more 'real' and
primary than the material; and in the case of early Christ cultists
like Paul, that the Jewish scriptures presented a revelatory window
onto that higher reality, where the spiritual processes of salvation
had taken place under God's guidance. Any question about 'literalism'
could only have struck him as confused or misguided.
Mario writes:
I must commend you on your thoroughly well
researched and lucid web page. Something struck me about those who say
that the reason that Paul and other 1st century Christian writers fail
to mention an earthly Jesus and his teachings is because it was common
knowledge among his followers and therefore need not be referenced.
What about the Old Testament references these
early authors use in their discourses? Would not their intended
recipients be aware and knowledgeable of these much older scriptures as
well? Would it be necessary for Paul et al. to use OT scriptural
passages to make their point if their correspondents already knew them?
The OT passages had been around a lot longer than anything an earthly
Jesus might have said during his life in 1st century Galilee, so their
dissemination would be expected to be much more established. We are to
believe that the much newer words of Jesus are already a 'given' during
the 1st century and therefore need no referencing, but the longer
established OT still needs to be referenced.
I am drawn to agree with your conclusion that
the 'exclusion' of the teachings of Jesus by Paul et al. are baffling
if they indeed were aware of them. The excuse that they need not refer
to them because their intended recipients already knew the material
seems absolutely groundless to me.
Response to Mario:
Paul's
Silence on the Words of Jesus
As it does to me, making this standard 'explanation' by someone
like J. P. Holding an incredibly weak argument. First of all, Paul is
writing within the first generation or so of the spread of
Christianity, and his audiences are all over the map, literally. To
think that scores of centers and congregations across the eastern Roman
empire would already have been so fully exposed to all the teachings of
Jesus, and knew them so thoroughly, that it was accepted (by many more
writers and apostles in the field than just Paul) that no further
mention or attribution need be made of them, is simply ludicrous.
Second, the very idea is belied by much of the content of epistles like
those of Paul. They are full of disputes that are directly related to
issues which the supposed teachings of Jesus had addressed, such as the
continued applicability of the Jewish Law, the need for things like
circumcision and dietary restrictions, the coming Parousia of the Son
of Man (or God, or Christ himself, it varied), and so on. It is clear
that those teachings could not have been widely known or accepted,
otherwise the disputes would not have arisen or would have been settled
by appeal to those teachings. The great contention in Corinth Paul
addresses in the early part of 1 Corinthians was supposedly based on
different interpretations of Jesus' teachings (so scholars like Helmut
Koester claim), and yet neither Paul nor apparently his rivals in that
city ever refer to a single one of those teachings (a silence Koester
is led to voice surprise at).
Finally, whether such teachings were widely known or not, this should
not prevent writers and disputants from mentioning them, as Christian
preachers and commentators do today, and have done for centuries.
Indeed, the very familiarity with such teachings as envisioned by
apologists like Holding would guarantee that they would be on
everyone's lips. It is human nature, when debating an issue or urging a
course of action on someone, to appeal to an authority who agrees with
you, and that appeal is strengthened by the knowledge that the listener
is very aware of such authority. If the listener holds a different
interpretation of the authority's words, all the more reason to argue
it with him.
The widespread use of Old Testament references in the writings of the
early Christian authors not only demonstrates this practice, but shows
the ingrained need and instinct for appeal and support when a writer is
addressing contentious issues. It is simply astounding the extent to
which generations of New Testament scholars have indulged in the most
far-fetched and fallacious reasoning to explain the pervasive silence
on any appeal to Jesus' teachings and deeds in the non-Gospel documents
of the first century of the Christian movement.
Pat writes:
Thanks
for your site. It's helpful to me as a believing follower of Jesus the
Christ.
In reading your Top 20 about the silence in the epistles,
I was struck by the fact that Paul has a curious silence also about the
misunderstanding that people of that time had about Jesus actually
being a real living breathing person. Obviously people at that time
thought that Jesus was a real person who did the things that mainstream
Christianity believes today. Even non-christian sources mention certain
reported facts about early believers and followers of a person named
Jesus (Josephus, etc.). If this is true then why didn't Paul go out of
his way to correct this misunderstanding. How do you explain his
SILENCE about an interpretation that Jesus literally lived, died,
resurrected, and that people claimed to see, touch and eat with him?
Response to Pat:
Paul's "Silence" on an Historical Jesus Delusion
/ "Falsifying" the Gospel Story
Pat has apparently been unable to cut through the
fog of preconception to grasp the fundamentals of the mythicist
position. It is anything but "obvious" that any people of his time held
the "misunderstanding" that Jesus had been a real person. Had they done
so, and had Paul held a contrary view as representing an opposite
opinion within the Christian movement, Pat is certainly right that the
question would likely have been raised in his letters. Ironically, that
is precisely the situation we find at a later date, a couple of
generations after Paul's passing. Both in 1 John (in chapter 4), and
the letters of Ignatius (which, whether genuine or not would have been
a product of the early 2nd century), we seem to find a fundamental
dispute going on within their communities about whether in fact Jesus
had "come in the flesh" or had "truly" been born of Mary and crucified
by Pilate.
Pat's question (though from a facetious angle) is
simply a variant on the common objection that belief in an historical
Jesus when it first arose, supposedly toward the end of the 1st century
when the first Gospel(s) began to be disseminated, would have given
rise to
denials on the part of Jews, pagans, or even of Christians who would
have known better, who would have objected that no such figure or
events had been true. This, too, is short-sighted. Few such people
would
still be around in centers distant from Palestine who could have so
objected, and the documents mentioned above show that when they were
and did, they went unheeded. Those caught up in the fervor of a new
idea rarely respond to criticism or correction. Indeed, as Ignatius
shows, their reaction is to condemn the objector and hold to their own
position with increasing tenacity and attempts to justify it. Those
living nearer in time to the alleged events would have had no reason to
object, since such a view about an historical figure was not being put
forward (which is why Paul, in Pat's scenario, never raised such a
question).
"Thomas" was another who recently protested along
these lines. He says: "If your timeline is correct and the author of
the Gospel of Mark is writing in 85-90 CE then this is only 49-64 years
after the fictional crucifixion. This is a short enough time that many
people would be alive who could falsify the story." I can't help
thinking that this objection is somewhat determined by the era we live
in. How would those half a century after the falsely-alleged fact of
Jesus' crucifixion have conducted this falsification? By radio,
television, the internet? Would they have published debunking books
available in every bookstore? Would those who heard their objections
have visited libraries and other available public records to verify
that the denials were accurate? Would lawsuits be launched against
those claimed to be deceiving the public through falsely advertising
certain advantages or products in relation to the new doctrines? Would
politicians or those in authority get worked up about allegedly false
history contained in some document resting in a house-church somewhere
in their district, if it was even brought to their attention?
The point is, when one thinks about such objections
more than superficially, one realizes that in the context of the actual
situation, especially in conditions like those of the first century,
the alleged problem simply evaporates. We know enough about the spread
of religious ideas, even within our own time, to know that the prospect
of opposition, denial or contrary evidence has little effect on the
birth and growth of doctrines which are, to begin with, delusions of
the mind and the product of irrational thinking.
Raymond writes:
Your approach to the problem of the
existence of Jesus seems very similar to that of G. A. Wells. Wells
arranges early Christian texts in chronological order and demonstrates
that early Christian writers know next to nothing of Jesus' life and
teachings, while later Christian writers know more and more. There is,
of course, a great deal more than that in your writings, but the
chronological approach seems central, and its implications are most
devastating to believers.
Alas, a fly has landed on that pudding. Is
Paul the first Christian writer? Did Paul even exist, and if he did,
what did he write? What if the epistles of Paul are not products of the
middle of the first century but the works of later Christians (or even
Gnostics) such as Marcion, and date towards the middle of the second
century? How would that affect the development of your point of view?
If the date of the Pauline epistles must be moved that far forward,
even later than the date of at least one Gospel, Mark, then your and
Wells' development seems to be thrown into confusion: now Mark seems to
know a lot more than "Paul." I think that eliminating the Pauline
epistles must have some effect on your view of early Christianity and
the question of the existence of Jesus.
Response to Raymond:
The Mythicist Case if "Paul" is Second Century
The main "effect" of an inauthentic and second
century Paul would be the amount of material to work with in
recognizing and presenting the mythicist case. Much of what I am able
to conclude is dependent on making use of certain portions of the
Pauline corpus as authentic to the first century. But that is no
different from asking how such a case could be made if we happened to
have no writings of "Paul" at all. The answer is simply that it would
be much more difficult.
However, a second-century Pauline corpus would not per se be fatal to the mythicist
case, not even given its dating of a generation or more after the first
Gospel. The documentary evidence hardly shows a "lock-step" progression
of presumed knowledge about an historical Jesus even through most of
the second century. As my site and books have demonstrated, certain
writings of early Christianity make no mention of an historical figure
well after my own rather conservative dating (as radical scholarship
goes) of the Gospels. A Mark at around 85-90 and a Matthew and Luke
(and even John) by around 125 still precede several 2nd century
apologists, such as Athenagoras, Tatian and Theophilus, who present no
historical Jesus in their defences of the faith. The record of these
and other writings (Barnabas, the Shepherd of Hermas) shows that even
after the Gospels were presumably written, widespread areas of the
Christian faith were simply not familiar with them or possessed no
copies.
Keep in mind, as well, that the Gospels could
have been in existence for decades without being known much beyond the
confines of the communities which produced them. And that, in fact, is
the situation we seem to find in the documentary record as a whole.
Even within those communities, there is nothing to tell us that such
accounts were regarded as historical when first produced.
It is not so much that one can draw up a precise
chronology of Christian documents and find a steady, coordinated
progression of reference to the presumed Gospel figure and events as
one moves forward in time. But the overall pattern is clearly there.
"Knowledge" about Jesus of Nazareth and his life as supposedly recorded
in the Gospels moves from the non-existent, to the spotty to the
widespread over the course of 150 years. Only in the last two decades
of the second century are we on secure ground in finding a picture of
Christianity as a movement founded on the contents of Mark, Matthew,
Luke and John.
That being said, I regard the silence in the Pauline
epistles in regard to an historical Jesus as being a strong argument
against a dating in the mid-second century. Some have argued that even
as late as that, the epistles could have been produced in circles that
were lagging behind in knowledge of the newly developing traditions
about an historical figure, and yet the second-century scenario does
not fit such a claim. If they were the product of the Roman church, as
many suggest, this is the very milieu which was one of the vanguards in
promoting the Gospel story and its central character. Marcion, too, a
favorite candidate for authorship of the Pauline corpus, eventually
worked in Rome and even if he had composed the epistles in his earlier
travels (one suggestion), he would almost certainly have revised them
once he was operating in the Roman milieu and came to accept an
historical Jesus, even if one rendered docetic. Besides, the mild
gnostic
features one can claim to find in Paul are nowhere near as developed or
as specific as those Marcion seems to have promoted. The great
gnostic-orthodox rivalry at the center of the empire which was a
feature of the mid-second century is simply not present in Paul or even
pseudo-Paul. Unless much stronger cases are made for the entire Pauline
literature as second century products (not simply containing some later
editing—though even this
would be perplexing limited), I am convinced
that the mythicist case is not in danger of being jeopardized through
removal of most of the Pauline content from the first-century body of
available evidence. The precise time and circumstances of that evidence
(or even the question of their possible editing during the early
period) is different matter, if one rejects Acts as providing any
reliable picture of early Christianity in general or Paul's career in
particular.
Eric writes:
I first want to commend you on all the work you've
put into your site. Now my question: It's been suggested to me that the
wedding of John 2 [the miracle at Cana]
was, in fact, Jesus' own wedding (though obviously the account obscures
the fact), in keeping with the Jewish mishna that a teacher cannot be
unmarried. Charles Davis has written that had Jesus been openly
celibate, there would have been some mention of this by the Jewish
community in the gospels. How might one read the water-into-wine story
of John 2 in the absence of an historical Jesus?
Response to Eric:
The Wedding and Miracle at Cana
in John
Virtually
all the miracles attributed to Jesus in the Gospels represent wondrous
deeds which were either standard among miracle-workers and would-be
messiahs of the day
(healings, feats over nature, etc.) or were expressions of the
expectations associated with the Jewish apocalyptic movement concerning
the imminent End-time. What John's story may specifically have been
modeled on, or what earlier version it may have been derived from and
whether it was originally associated with Jesus, is impossible to say.
Robert Price, quoting Raymond E. Brown, suggests (The Incredible Shrinking Son of Man,
p.77-8) that it was adapted from a "stray bit of infancy gospel
material," since it reflects the idea that Jesus is drawn into showing
his powers before the time for his public ministry has arrived. "My
hour
is not yet come" (John 2:4).
In this respect it is like the Lukan scene
of the twelve-year-old Jesus in the Temple, impressing the elders with
his depth of knowledge and interpretation. Of course, scenes like this
are sheer invention, as they reproduce a pattern found throughout
ancient 'biography' of great men, "Wunderkind
stories" as Price calls
them. Philo and Josephus offered similar tales of Moses surpassing his
elders, and they are told of other Old Testament figures like Samuel,
Solomon and Daniel (more often than not, at the stated age of twelve).
Miracle-working by a young prodigy before his embarkation on greatness
was also a common theme, reflecting the idea that such greatness was
foreshadowed while still in youth. The Brown/Price opinion suggests
that
the author (or more likely an editor at a later stage) of the Gospel of
John adapted it from a more youth-oriented tradition, perhaps from
among the growing catalogue of infancy material about the new
historical Jesus that, along with all sorts of other apocryphal "acts"
attached to early figures, was tumbling out of the legend mill in the
latter half of the second century.
As for the suggestion that this was an obscured account of Jesus' own
wedding, one wonders why only one evangelist would have included
mention of it, even if disguised, and what purpose it might have been
thought to serve in Cana context. As far as I know, the idea surfaces
nowhere else, and if this Jewish concern for married teachers had
really been applied to an historical figure, it says something about
that historicity that no such issue surrounding him is found throughout
the early documentary record.
Bryan writes:
This is something I've been blindsided with a couple
of times. I've had a pastor throw in my face about the current A.D. and
B.C. system of measuring years and how that only exists because of
Jesus! I was wondering as to who/what made us refer to years as A.D.
and B.C. My guess is that the initials are of Roman origin and that
they meant something else originally, later getting skewed by
apologists into its current After Death / Before Christ.
Response to Bryan:
Inventing A.D. and B.C.
I'm
not sure if Bryan simply made a mental typo about the meaning of A.D.,
but of course it refers to the phrase "Anno Domini" or "in the Year of
the
Lord," meaning the number of years after his supposed birth. The system
itself was only introduced early in the 6th century. Prior to that,
official dating in the Roman empire had been reckoned from the year of
Diocletian's accession in 284 CE, although the traditional system of
"Ab Urbe Condite" dating (from the legendary foundation of Rome)
remained in popular use. A Scythian monk by the name of Dionysius
Exiguus living in Rome was appointed by the Pope to institute a more
accurate dating system for Easter. As part of that reorganization, he
calculated the birth of Christ as occuring in the year 753 of the
traditional Roman calendar, a calculation which even those who accept
the existence of such a figure now regard as wrong. Of course, Exiguus
had nothing more to go on than we have today, which is to say, the
imperfect accounts found in the Gospels, mainly Luke. The author of
that Gospel lived much closer to the 'event' than Exiguus, but he
clearly had no firm tradition about the time or circumstances of Jesus'
presumed birth, and the nativity stories of both Matthew and Luke show
signs of being constructed not as an attempted historically accurate
record but, as always, with midrashic storytelling purposes paramount.
The fact that no Christian tradition outside the artificial nativity
stories of two Gospel writers preserved any more accurate or specific
location of Jesus' birth is a telling silence against actual
historicity.
Dick writes:
I have a question relating to the 4 Gospels
and their dates. Of the actual manuscripts that are in existence today,
what are the dates when these copies were written? Are there any
from the time the canons were selected (367 CE)? I think I remember
something about 1000 CE as being the oldest date for any of the Gospels.
I also have a question concerning the three
books by Barbara Thiering that I have read in recent years. I found
them to be profound and thought-provoking, as well as scholarly in
presentation. I'm curious as to how the Jesus theorists of today view
her writings, especially the book on "The Book That Jesus Wrote" (of
course, her theory is that Jesus did not die, and in fact went on to
write, or dictate, the Book of John).
Response to Dick:
Extant New Testament Manuscripts
/ Barbara Thiering
Our oldest extant manuscripts of the Gospels, in whole and in part,
much predate the year 1000. The great codeces containing most of the
New Testament, such as Sinaiticus and Vaticanus, date from the 300s.
Various incomplete texts come from the years between 200 and 300. A
solitary fragment predates 200, namely the famous (or
infamous) piece of John containing a few verses of chapter 18,
which conservative scholars try to date as early as 125 or even 100,
but which cannot be securely positioned any more specifically than the
period 125 to 175. None of these (and the latter is too small to tell
us much about the Gospel as a whole) fall within an early enough time
frame to indicate either the nature of the earliest versions of the
Gospels, or the nature of the early faith in general. The formative
period of a new sect is precisely when most of the radical change and
evolution of ideas takes place, and we have no manuscript record of
that
development as far as the Gospels are concerned. The fact that the
extant writing we do have from that earliest period (epistles,
non-canonical
documents, etc.) presents a much different picture of the faith and the
Jesus figure than the later Gospels indicates a likely evolution
that was quantum in scope. Even within the context of the
Gospels we see extensive changes between the earliest one written
(Mark) and those who subsequently reworked him. All of this does not
inspire confidence that the canonical record reflects the ideas or even
the events of the initial period of Christianity. Incidentally,
although the canon was only finalized in the later 4th century,
attempts to form a catalogue of reliable documents reflecting an
'orthodox' position began as early as around 200.
As for Barbara Thiering, she is one of the most controversial figures
working in New Testament scholarship today. Many are impressed by her
books, but I can't include myself in that group. I read only half of
one of them, and have to admit that I found much of her methodology and
reasoning dubious or even bizarre. The thesis in "The Book That Jesus
Wrote" in my estimation falls into the latter category.
Frank writes:
You present a very compelling case, and I'll never
look at the gospels the same way again. There is one topic that I
haven't seen you address. You place Mark, and his community, in Syria.
Yet there is the letter from Clement of Alexandria discovered in 1958
by Morton Smith. If authentic, the letter places Mark in Alexandria
when he wrote his gospel and also identifies him as an apostle of Paul.
And then, of course, there is the section that the bishop wanted
removed from the gospel, the main purpose of the letter.... I don't see
anything in this that contradicts your argument. In fact, it seems to
be somewhat supportive in a round about way.
Response to Frank:
Secret Mark a Fraud?
I
have cut most of what Frank said in his letter about the content of
so-called Secret Mark and what it might signify, because it is rendered
rather moot by the now widespread opinion among scholars that Secret
Mark, and
Morton Smith's discovery of it, is a fraud, and that Morton Smith
himself (now deceased) was the most likely perpetrator. I am not
familiar with the details this opinion is based on, but when a document
or artifact claiming to provide special insight into a contentious
subject no longer exists or cannot be supplied for independent study,
that tends to be a dead give-away. There have been those who still
defend Smith, or who claim that a fraud of this nature would have been
too difficult to pull off, but these days such objections are rather
naive. We have experienced too many frauds in the modern era, and not
only to do with biblical research or even history. More than that I
can't say in this particular case, but I point this out in answer to
Frank because I still see frequent comment about Secret Mark on places
like internet discussion boards with no acknowledgement or apparent
awareness of the current negative judgment about it.
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